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a model, and to imitate him in all those things in which he is imitable by them. Our young noblemen are full of courage, sentiments of honour, love of their country, and zeal for their prince: The war which broke out so suddenly in Europe, and to which they fly with incredible ardour, is a convincing proof of this, and especially their behaviour in Italy and on the Rhine. They have fire, vivacity, genius, and do not want talents and qualities capable of raising them to whatever is greatest: but then they sometimes want a manly and vigorous education, which alone can form great men in every kind. Our manners being unhappily turned, through a taste which prevails almost universally, towards effeminacy, pleasures, and luxury, the admiration of things trifling in themselves, and a fondness for false splendour, enervate our courage in our most tender years, and blunt the edge of that valour of ancient Gaul, which was once natural to us.

Where the youth among our nobility educated like Philopomen, so far, I mean, as is consistent with our manners; were they to imbibe in their early years an inclination for studies of a solid kind, such as philosophy, history, and polity; were they to propose as models for their imitation, the many illustrious generals which the last age produced; were they to put themselves under the discipline of those who are now the ornament and glory of our nation; and would they once duly consider, that true greatness does not consist in surpassing others merely in pomp and profusion, but in distinguishing themselves by solid merit; in fine, were they to make it their delight and glory to perfect themselves in the military knowledge, to study it in all its parts, and acquire the true scope and design of it, without omitting any of the means which conduce to their perfection in it; how illustrious a set of officers, commanders, and heroes, would France produce! One single man inspired the breast of the Achæans with this ardour and emulation. How much were

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it to be wished (and why should we not wish it?) that some one of our princes, great in all things, in valour as well as birth, would revive in our armies this taste of the ancients, for simplicity, frugality, and generosity; and direct the taste of the French nation to things truly beautiful, solid, and just! All conquests would be infinitely short of such a glory.

SECT. VI. Various expeditions of Philip and Sulpitius. A digression of Polybius upon signals made by fire.

A. M. WE have already said, that Sulpitius the procon3797 sul, and king Attalus, had continued in winterAnt. J. C. quarters at Ægina. As soon as spring appeared they had quitted them, and sailed to Lemnos with their fleets, which together amounted to sixty gallies. Philip, on the other side, that he might be able to oppose the enemy, either by sea or land, advanced towards Demetrias, whither the ambassadors of the allies came from all parts to implore his aid in the imminent danger to which they were exposed. Philip gave them a favourable reception; and promised to furnish them with such succours as the present juncture, and the necessity of their affairs, might require. He kept his promise, and sent bodies of soldiers into different places, to secure them from the attacks of the enemy. He repaired to Scotusa, and made his troops march thither from Larissa, which lies very near it; and then returned to Demetrias. And in order to give seasonable succour to such of his allies as should be attacked, he fixed signals in Phocis, Euboea, and in the little island of Peparethos; and placed, in that part where he lay, on Tisæum, a very lofty mountain of Thessaly, men to observe them, that he might have speedy notice of the enemy's march, and of the

Polyb. 1. x. p. 612-614. Liv. 1. xxviii. n. 5-8.

places he might design to attack. I shall explain these signals hereafter.

The proconsul and king Attalus advanced towards Euboea, and laid siege to Oræa, one of its chief cities. It was defended by two castles strongly fortified, and was able to hold out a long time; but Plator who commanded it under Philip, surrendered it treacherously to the besiegers. He had purposely made the signals too late, that Philip might not have an opportunity of succouring it. But the same did not happen to Chalcis, which Sulpitius besieged immediately after the taking of Orea. The signals were made very seasonably there; and the commander, deaf and inaccessible to the offers of the proconsul, prepared for a stout defence. Sulpitius perceived that he had made an imprudent attempt, and was so wise as to desist immediately from it. The city was strongly fortified in itself; and besides, situated on the Euripus, that famous strait*, in which the sea does not ebb and flow seven times every day, at fixed and stated hours, as (says Livy) is commonly reported, but irregularly, whilst the waves roll on all sides with so much impetuosity, that they seem like torrents falling precipitately from the mountains; so that ships can never ride there in safety.

Attalus besieged Opuntus, a city situated not far from the sea side, among the Locrians, in Achaia. Philip advanced with incredible diligence, to its aid, having marched upwards of sixty miles in one day. The city had been just taken before he arrived at it; and he might have surprised Attalus who was employed in plundering the place, had not the latter,

*Haud alia infestiar classi statio est. Nam venti ab utriusque terræ præaltis montibus subiti ac procellosi se dejiciunt, fretum ipsum Euripi, non septies die, sicut fama fert, temporibus statis reciprocat; sed temere, in modum venti nunc buc nunc illue verso mari, velul monte præcipiti devolutus torrens rapitur. Ita nec nocte, nec die, quies navibus datur.

Liv.

So Livy has it; which is certainly a prodigious day's march for an army,

the instant he heard of his approach, retired with great precipitation. However, Philip pursued him to the sea-side.

Attalus having retired to Oræa, and received advice there, that Prusias king of Bithynia had entered his territories, he returned towards Asia, and Sulpitius to the island of Egina. Philip, after having taken some small cities, and frustrated the project of Machanidas, the Spartan tyrant, who designed to attack the people of Elis, who were employed in preparing for the solemnization of the Olympick games, he repaired to the assembly of the Achæans, which was held at Egium, where he expected to find the Carthaginian fleet, and to join it with his own; but advice being brought, that the ships of the Romans and king Attalus were sailed away, his did the same.

Philip was truly grieved to find, that though he employed the utmost diligence in all his projects, he always came too late to put them in execution; fortune, would he say, taking a pleasure in bereaving him of every opportunity, and in frustrating all his incursions and expeditions. However, he concealed his uneasiness from the assembly, and spoke with an air of confidence and resolution. Having called the gods and men to witness, that he had never neglected any opportunity of marching out, on all occasions, in quest of an enemy; he added, that he did not know which side used the greatest dispatch; whether himself in flying to the aid of his allies, or his enemies in escaping his pursuits: that this was a tacit confession that they thought themselves inferior to him in strength; nevertheless, that he hoped soon to gain so complete a victory over them, as would evidently demonstrate his superiority. This speech greatly encouraged the allies: after

Philippus marebat & angebatur, cùm ad omnia ipse raptim isset, nulli tamen se, rei in tempore occurrisse; & rapientem omnia ex oculis clusisse celeritatem suam fortunam. Liv.

having given the necessary orders, and made some expeditions of no great importance, he returned into Macedonia, to carry on the war against the Dar danians.

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Digression of Polybius, on the signals made by fire.

The subject which Polybius here treats is curious enough in itself; and besides, it bears so near a relation to the facts I am now relating, as to excuse my introducing a digression, that will not be of a great length, and which the reader may pass over if he finds it tedious. I shall repeat it almost literally as I find it in Polybius. Livy, in his account of the particulars above related, and which he copied almost verbatim from Polybius*, mentions the same signals made by fire: but then he only hints at them, because as they were not invented by the Romans, consequently this was a subject which did not relate so immediately to the history he was writing. But this artifice of the signals, which is a part of the art of war, belongs properly to the history of the Greeks, and shows to how great a perfection they had carried all the parts of that noble art, the judicious reflections they had formed in all things relative to it, and the astonishing progress they had made, in respect to the construction of machines of war, different kinds of armour, and military signals.

As the making of signals by fire, says Polybius, though of great use in war, has hitherto not been treated with any accuracy, I believe it will not be

Polyb. 1. x. p. 614-618.

* Philippus, ut ad omnes hostium motus posset occurrere, in Phocidem atque Eubeam, & Peparethum mittit qui loca alta eligerent, unde editi ignes apparerent: ipse in Tisao (mons est in altitudinem ingentem cacuminis editi) speculam posuit, ut ignibus procul sublatis, signum, ubi quid molirentur hostes, momento temporis acciperet. Liv. 1. xxviii. n. 5.

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