so between the dominant parties of the present there are other, and yet important, diversities of sentiment on matters that relate to finance, to popular education, to civil service, to the elective franchise, and to the equality of all citizens before the laws. Some of these interests relate especially to the South, and affect the relations of whites and blacks. Others of them run antagonistic to the historic genius of Romanism in its opposition to popular education. It is, therefore, important that the principles obviously essential to the safe maintenance and perpetuity of a republican government and of free institutions in this country, be soon and so far settled as the mind of the people is concerned, and so far, also, as the intelligence and ballot of a free people can effect it. But reforms are slow. A great change is to be only gradually wrought among the people of the South. It is not strange that it is so. The whole drift of life-long education, and the whole shaping of the habits and business of the people there, hold them so strongly to their late condition of things that common sense would indicate that any adjustment to their new political relations is and must be slow. But in reference to the antagonism between ignorance and intelligence, between equal rights and priestly rule, between a free ballot and a conscience-ridden servility, there is no such apology to be made, no such moderation to be exercised, no such conservatism to be encouraged. The masses of papal zealots are, indeed, ignorant and superstitious, but not all. The educators and priests who have any knowledge of governments at home and abroad, know that in their efforts to exclude religious instruction from our public schools, to secure a pro rata division of the public funds for the maintenance of their parochial schools, and that in vigorous opposition to our established school system, they are attempting to sap the foundations of this Republic.

And though it may not be openly avowed in the platforms of the dominant parties, it is, nevertheless, a fact, that temperance principles also are involved in the politics of this nation. The national Government has its revenue laws in reference to the manufacture, rectification, and sale of alcoholic liquors. State legislatures enact laws for the prohibition or for the regulation of traffic in them. These things show how closely related to government and politics are the great reforms of the

day, and particularly the national curse of intemperance. It is really a financial as truly as a moral question. No taxes are equal to those which rise both directly and indirectly from the use and the abuse of alcoholic liquors. And possibly no frauds reach to such enormous figures as do the "whisky frauds." The great question of slavery out of the way, there are no other questions that just now more deeply concern the public weal than do the grave ones which relate to the education, temperance, and purity of the whole people. And we are among the number who believe that these two interests are largely involved in every political movement made in our large cities, and in our State and National legislatures.

Matters of education and intelligence are openly wrought into the announcements of one of our great national parties. And should the same party as openly and as vigorously advocate the principles of righteousness and temperance—which it seems reluctant to do-no power on earth could impede its progress or impair its usefulness. It would gather to its support all the moral forces that now wait to see what is to be done, or that are in a latent state, and that are ready to be allied with the right in politics as in other things. If only the political lines were distinctly drawn in reference to all that is essential to a pure and permanent government, the friends of intelligence and honesty would soon be marshaled in such numbers as would perpetuate our governmental privileges and blessings to the latest generations.

However slimy and muddy may be some of its rivulets and shallows, the political stream that runs through our country and irrigates the continents of the world has a pure source; for nothing is more certain than that government is of God. In the family, its earliest embodiment; in the Church, which grew out of the family; and in the State, a later form and outgrowth of the two preceding-however many or few the offices and their incumbents-the chief authority is the will of God.

The lines of authority for the government, the restriction, and the direction of the people, are the divine commands and precepts. "There is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God." This great idea should be recognized by the people and by governors. But let it be understood that the will of the people is the sole source of authority and govern

ment, and the elements of discord and party lines become incorporated into the body politic, the great Supreme is ignored, the people lean to faction and anarchy, and the rulers-as in the earlier stages of most countries-become autocrats and monarchists. And it is just here that are found the germs of the ideas which widely prevail, that neither God, nor the Church, nor the pulpit, has any thing to do with the politics of a people. A sad state of things, when these sentiments prevail. Both social and juridical science, both moral and religious ideas, have much to do with the politics of a people.

That there is in politics a "higher law," reaching over all human laws, and casting its divine influence on and over all human authorities and powers, no legislator, no executive head, no citizen, who holds the elective franchise, should think of denying, much less of antagonizing. That the will of God should be done on earth, and by all men as truly as in all hearts, is a profound idea that should not be ignored. It concerns nations as certainly as it does individuals, or even the Church. It is the true governmental idea that underlies all sound legislation and all wise rule. Of this fact, though variously expressed, and though it runs into every avenue of society, the holy Scriptures are full. And to most men these are authority. Not a prophet speaks, not an historian writes, not a judge is installed nor executes justice, not a king reigns, not a nation is exalted nor subverted, but on principles closely related to this idea. Not more truly does righteousness exalt a nation than is sin a reproach to any people. How shall a king reign? "In righteousness." In what shall princes rule? "In judgment." What will be the consequences of such ruling? "Then judgment shall dwell in the wilderness, and righteousness remain in the fruitful field." What are the grand results of an administration that in this way brings prosperity to the wilderness and fruitfulness to the field? "The work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever." And there is no solid, enduring, nor desirable peace but on this broad basis. There is no assurance as to the stability of government but on these religious principles. They are fundamental. They run into the "Civil

Service," as into any other.

The only embodiment and the best form of these religious

principles were advanced by patriarchs and prophets, and are transferred in all their force, and with increased authority, into Christian ideas, of which a radical one is, that the powers or authorities that be are ordered of God. Not that every form of power, nor every functionary in office, is of God; but the idea and the principle of government are divine.

There arises, therefore, this question: Does Christianity sustain any noticeable relations to human government, and hence to politics? We do not mean any such relations as involve the union of Church and State, much less the subserviency of the State to the Church. In our country there is little danger of these things. A constitutional barrier lies in the way. And yet the dominant and molding forces in all civilized, enlightened, and wisely governed nations are Christian ideas. Somewhat in proportion to the freedom, prosperity, and progress of a people are the purity and efficiency of Christian institutions. The freedom and purity of government, the wisdom and righteousness of legislation, and the reasonableness of politics, partake of the character of the religion of a country, and of the hold it has on the people. This is a fact seen in the government of Oriental countries, where religion is national. Intellectual paganism and imperial despotism go together. But as soon as the leading minds of a people see the superiority of Western institutions and governments they begin to cultivate such alliances with them as gradually lead them to adopt their religion. The politics of both pagan and papal countries are modified by contact and intercourse with thoroughly Christian countries. The superiority of Christian civilization is clearly obvious. It is well known that, in Great Britain and in these United States, where are the purest and most vigorous forms of government, the wisest style of legislation and political systems nearest the divine ideal exist. It is because in these countries government is constantly being adjusted to the highest types of humanity. Laying off monarchical ideas and forms, they are putting on republican. A purely democratic government never did, and, except on a small scale, never can, long exist where ignorance and immorality are in the ascendant. Unless, then, the people are intelligent and Christian, it is, as a mode of government in a state or in a country, better in theory than in fact. France, Spain, and

Greece have tried it with but poor results. On the other hand, a representative government, such as is ours, is republican in nature as also in form.

The great vice of simple democracies is that they destroy the balance between political rights and political duties. This is, indeed, the vice of all personal and class governments. A tyrant looks upon the State as existing for himself. The same is true of an oligarchy or an aristocracy. There is no stable equilibrium in the political system, unless the governing and the governed are bound together by mutual relations of power and responsibility, rights and duties, burdens and privileges. So far as it is necessary for the intelligence and safety of its citizens, the State should educate them, and make a certain standard of education compulsory.

As we here use the words democratic and republican, we do not descend to their mere party application, but we regard them expressive of two different forms and modes of government: one, in which the people rule directly; the other, in which the people rule by and through their chosen representatives. The best form of democracy is a republicanism, in which the people select men to represent them on principle and for the public good. In this, as truly as in simple democracy, intelligence, morality, love of order, and respect for authority, must lie at the foundation. Where the people select from among themselves their law-makers and rulers and their several public officers, and where all the springs of authority and sources of power are primarily in their hand, and are by them put into the hands of legislative, judicial, and executive officers, it is a matter of grave importance to know and to feel what, and how intimate, are the dependencies of Christianity and politics, of government and legislation. In our representative government men of all ranks and characters, of every degree of intelligence and refinement, and having every grade of morals, are periodically called on to exercise their right of suffrage in such a way that the vote cast by the ignorant, corrupt, and the intriguing exerts as much power, and has in itself as much importance in deciding the destinies of the republic, as does the ballot cast by the intelligent and moral. In this way the people act in matters of law and of political economy so as to affect all departments of State, of popular liberty, and of social morals. And though the Church and pulpit have their own and special positions and work in the broad domain of