addition to this, the events of the Punjab disturbances of 1919, which only became fully known during the period under review (i. e. 1920), gave rise amongst educated Indians to feelings of intense and bitter humiliation. Against the all-dominant tide of Western materialism, Western might and Western achievement, Mr. Gandhi, with his explicit scorn for that which we call modern civilization, stands before the injured national pride of many of his countrymen like a rock of salvation. He embodies an other-worldliness essentially Indian, a spirit the West does not possess, a plane of detachment to which it cannot hope to aspire. Hence it is that his behests have the influence of semi-divine commands; and even those whose intellects are too keen to be dominated by his sway can rarely be found to resist the appeal which he makes to their innermost heart."

On the First of August, 1920, the Non-Cooperation Program was launched by Gandhi with the object of redressing the Khilafat grievance, the Punjab wrongs and the attainment of Swaraj. On that same day the "Uncrowned Prince of India"-Bal Gangadhar Tilak -passed away. Henceforth, Gandhi's leadership became universal and the Special Session of the Congress in the next month accepted non-cooperation in principle "by a conclusive, if narrow majority." The campaign was outlined and Gandhi and his lieutenants toured the country with remarkable success.

The Nagpur session of Congress (December, 1920) was "notable for the personal ascendancy of Mr. Gandhi." In the beginning of the year 1921, Gandhi approached the Congress "almost in the character of a suppliant," but before the year was over, the Mahatma emerged as "the acknowledged dictator, not only of the non-cooperation movement, but also of the remodelled Congress organization which lent that movement its most formidable strength."

The study of current Indian conditions arouses in the writer of the official documents a desire to write an epitaph on the non-cooperation movement, which

he hopes will soon be fulfilled. It arouses in me another desire: namely, to write an epitaph on the British Empire. The vogue, among British statesmen, of the term "British Commonwealth of Nations" in contradistinction to the term "British Empire" is suggestive. However, the time has not yet come to write an epitaph on either. But the keen yearning for freedom created by the Gandhi movement has to be reckoned with. Spiritual forces of incalculable strength, conducive to the moral uplift of the community-not only Indian, but International-generated by the noncooperation movement and today permeating the national life of India are bound to secure her a place in the forefront of the nations and thus help realize her pristine glory.

In its career of 35 years, the Congress took the biggest stride at Nagpur in the year 1920 when the change in its creed proposed by Gandhi was accepted by a majority of people's representatives. The former aim of the Congress was the "attainment of selfgovernment within the British Empire" by all "constitutional" methods. According to Gandhi's amendment the Congress creed is the "attainment of Swaraj” by all "legitimate, peaceful" methods. Now it is the privilege of the Congress to decide whether or not British connection with India shall remain. In 1921 at Ahmedabad, the Congress pointed to non-violence as the only rock of salvation. In the hope of breaking down the morale of the people, the Government arested and imprisoned Gandhi in March, 1922. But the peaceful atmosphere preserved by Indians of all shades of opinion on the Mahatma's imprisonment betokens not a mean success of Gandhi's principles and movement. The Congress of 1922 met at Gaya and passed an important resolution, disavowing the nation's responsibility for any debts incurred by the so-called Representative Government of India. The study of the Indian National Congress is an intensely interesting subject, and the steady, statesmanlike progress it has been making speaks highly of the people's

ability. What is more, a new phase of activities has entered into the field. The All-India Trades Union Congress has been organizing and educating the laboring masses of India. The workers and peasants are being made to realize their class interests and to organize accordingly. There is a commotion and a stir abroad in the land. "The stir which now manifests itself," as the official document has it somewhere, "is the stir of new life."*

In sketching this panorama of Indian history my purpose has been, not to advocate but to record. The right or wrong, my country first attitude deserves to be thrown into the scrap heap of history. We are sufficiently advanced to tread the path of reason, instead of chauvinism. To me the destruction of the race of chauvinistic nationalists is as much a consummation to be devoutly wished for as the destruction of the international caste of imperialists, militarists and capitalists. And I may assure my American and European readers that Indian nationalism is in a category different from Western nationalism that has deluged the world with blood. India's struggle for freedom is a struggle for world freedom, for the world indeed cannot be free so long as one-fifth of the human race-330 millions of India-are denied freedom. What is more, with her unique spiritual background, a free India will be eminently fitted to preach the gospel of universal brotherhood, peace on earth, good-will among men. God willing she shall carry forward the great purpose.

HARIDAS T. MUZUMDAR. 21 E. Van Buren St., Chicago, Ill.

April 15, 1923,

P. S. With the exception of the Panorama of Indian History, the entire book was written about a year ago. That the passage of a year has not necessitated any change in my treatment of the subject is a matter of great satisfaction to me. H. T. M.

*The official Red Books or documents referred to are: "India in 1920," "Indian Politics in 1921-22" and "Indian Parliament," all published by the Government of India.-H. T. M..

GANDHI THE APOSTLE

PART II

Chapter I

INTRODUCTORY

"He that taketh the sword shall perish by the sword."

When the rest of the world is discussing the possibility and doubting the wisdom of Jesus' principles, India is actually putting them into practice. Love thy neighbor as thyself; Do unto others as thou wouldst have others do unto thee; Return Good for Evil: these are no mere literary intellectual phrases they are today the living faith and guiding principle of India. Not merely in individual life, but also in the national life-in the domain of politics where what is said is often not meant-do we find these sublime principles practiced. As a result, India affords a grand departure from the way nations are usually consolidated and freed. The English Revolution, culminating in the beheading of a king, asserted the Rights of the People against autocracy. The American Revolution marked the triumph of Democracy over Imperialism. The French Revolution was, as Mazzini said, "The translation of Protestantism into politics," being the vindication of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. The Russian Revolution of 1917 promises a full realization of the dignity of manhood. To cap it all, comes the Indian Revolution of today, which in its application of Philosophy and Religion to politics, is transporting politics into the domain of the spiritual, thus realizing the Divinity of Man.

Politics in India have been raised on a higher plane; public life in the country has been "spiritualized." But the ordinary requirements of the game of Revolution obtain here as elsewhere: namely, sacrifice of human life, devastation of land, destruction of property. The argument of the Hindu* is thus: the outstanding difference between man and animal consists in the former's capacity to inflict injury on himself as well as on others, a gift mostly denied to the lower creation; and if sacrifice and destruction are inevitable factors in the attainment of national freedom, all the losses shall be their own. Suffering being essential to the building of a nation, they court imprisonment and arrest, voluntarily giving up their liberty and their lives. The high priests of Imperialism demand war and bloodshed; the Hindus cheerfully bring to the altar of their NATION their sacrifice of (1) titles of honor, (2) luxuries, (3) property, (4) British-made goods. These voluntary sacrifices have eliminated hatred and contempt which are the motive forces behind war. There is no hate in the heart of the Hindu for the Englishman. The Prince as a "fine" individual, as a "democrat," has found a place in his heart, but the Prince as a British institution has been heartily boycotted by him. "We may criticize systems and institutions," says Gandhi, "but imperfect ourselves, we may not-we ought not to-criticize persons or their motives.” In such an attitude of tolerance, good will and religious zeal for the evolving of a better order of society, is the revolution in India going on. The pent-up energies of the people, suppressed and exploited for a hundred and sixty years, nay more for during the Mohammedan rule, too, the people were oppressed-these energies have been directed into the channel of Non-Violent Non-Cooperation by India's great leader, Mahatma Gandhi.

*The words Hindu and Indian are used interchangeably quite often in the book as is the vogue in America.-H. T. M.