ed the victor's triumph. But the noblest ornament of it was the Roman citizens, delivered from slavery, who followed. the victor's car, with their heads shaved as a mark of the liberty to which they had been restored.

SECT. V.

Antiochus and the Romans prepare for war. send troops against Nabis. He is killed.

The latter

• Antiochus and the Romans were preparing for war. Ambassadors were arrived at Rome, in the name of all the Greeks, from a great part of Asia Minor, and from several kings. They were favourably received by the senate; but as the affairs of king Antiochus required a long examination, it was referred to Quintius and the commissioners who were returned from Asia. The debates were carried on with great warmth on both sides. The ambassadors of the king were surprised, as their sovereign had sent them merely to conclude an alliance and friendship with the Romans, that the latter should pretend to prescribe laws to him as to a conquered monarch; and nominate those cities which he might keep, and such as he was to abandon. Quintius, in concert with his colleagues, after a great many speeches and replies, declared to the king's ambassadors, that the Romans persisted in the resolution they had taken to deliver the Grecian cities of Asia, as they had done those of Europe; and that they might see whether Antiochus would approve of that condition. They answered, that they could not enter into any engagement that tended to lessen the dominions of their sovereign. On the morrow, all the rest of the ambassadors were again introduced into the senate. Quintius reported what had been spoken and transacted in the conference, and entreated each of them in particular to inform their respective cities, that the Romans were determined to defend their liberties against Antiochus, with the same ardour and courage as they had done against Philip. Antiochus's ambassadors conjured the senate, not to form any rash resolution in an affair of so much importance; to allow the king time to reflect on matters; and to weigh and consider things maturely on their side before they passed a decree in which the public tranquillity would be involved. They did not yet come to a decision, but deputed to the king, Sulpitius, Villius, and Ælius, the same ambassadors who had already conferred with him at Lysimachia.

Scarce were they gone, when ambassadors from Carthage arrived at Rome, and acquainted the senate, that Antiochus, at the instigation of Hannibal, was certainly preparing to

a A. M. 3811. Ant J. . 193. Liv. 1. xxxiv, n 57-62.

make war against the Romans. I have observed before, that Hannibal had fled for refuge to this prince, and had arrived at his court at the very instant the king was deliberating whether he should embark in this war. The presence and counsels of such a general contributed very much to determine him to it. His opinion at that time (and he always persisted in it) was, that he ought to carry his arms into Italy. That by this means the enemy's country would furnish them with troops and provisions; that otherwise, no prince nor people could be superior to the Romans, and that Italy could never be conquered but in Italy. He demanded but an hundred galleys, ten thousand foot, and a thousand horse. He declared, that with his fleet he would first go into Africa where he hoped to be able to persuade the Carthaginians to join him; but that, should he not succeed in the latter attempt, he would sail directly for Italy, and there find effectual means to distress the Romans; that it was necessary that the king should go over into Europe with the rest of his forces, and halt in some part of Greece, and not go immediately into Italy, though he should always seem upon the point of doing it.

The king highly approving this project at first, Hannibal sent a Tyrian, in whom he could confide, to Carthage, to sound the citizens; for he did not care to venture letters, lest they should be intercepted; not to mention that business is transacted much better by word of mouth than by writing. But the Tyrian was discovered, and escaped with great difficulty. The Carthaginian senate sent immediate advice of this to the Romans, who apprehended being engaged at the same time in a war with Antiochus and the Carthagi

nians.

No people at this time, hated the Romans more than the Etolians. Thoas, their general, was for ever incensing them; representing, in the most aggravating terms, the contempt the Romans had for them since their last victory, though it was chiefly owing to them. His remonstrances had the intended effect; and Damocritus was sent ambassador to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and Dicæarchus, Thoas's brother, to Antiochus, charged with particular instructions in regard to each of those princes.

The first represented to the tyrant of Sparta, that the Romans had entirely enervated his power, by dispossessing him of his maritime towns, as they furnished him with galleys, soldiers, and sailors. That, confined within his own walls, he had the mortification to see the Achæans reign over Peloponnesus; that he would never have so favourable an opportunity for recovering his ancient power, as that which a A. M, 3812, Ant. J. C. 192. Liv. 1 xxxv. p. 12.

then presented itself; that the Romans had no army in Greece; that he might easily seize upon Gythium, which was situated very commodiously for him; and that the Romans would not think it worth while to send their legions again into Greece, to take a city of so little consequence.

Nicander employed still stronger motives to rouse Philip, who had been thrown down from a much superior height of greatness, and deprived of abundantly more than the tyrant. Besides which, he enlarged on the ancient glory of the kings of Macedonia, and in what manner the whole world had been subdued by their arms; that the proposal he made him would not expose him to any danger; that he did not desire him to declare war, till Antiochus should have passed into Greece with his army; and that if he (Philip), unassisted by Antiochus, had with only his own forces sustained so long a war against the Romans and the Ætolians united, how would it be possible for the Romans to resist him, when he should have concluded an alliance with Antiochus and the Ætolians? He did not forget to mention Hannibal, the sworn enemy to the Romans, of whose generals more had been defeated by him than were living at that time.

Dicæarchus employed other arguments with Antiochus. He observed particularly, that, in the war against Philip, the Romans had taken the spoils, but that the whole honour of the victory had been due to the Etolians; that they alone had opened them an entrance into Greece, and had enabled them to overcome the enemy, by aiding them with their troops. He gave a long detail of the number of horse and foot with which they would furnish him; and the strong towns and sea-ports possessed by them. He did not scruple. to affirm, though without foundation, that Philip and Nabis were determined to unite with him against the Romans.

These are the steps the Atolians took to raise up enemies against Rome on every side. However, the two kings did not comply with them at that time; and did not take their resolution till afterwards.

With regard to Nabis, he sent immediately to all the maritime towns, to excite the inhabitants of them to a rebellion. He bribed many of the principal citizens, and dispatched those who were inflexibly determined to adhere to the party of the Romans. Quintius, at his leaving Greece, had ordered the Achæans to be very vigilant in defending the maritime cities. They immediately sent deputies to the tyrant to put him in mind of the treaty he had concluded with the Romans; and to exhort him not to infringe a peace, which he had so earnestly solicited. At the same time they sent troops to the relief of Gythium, which the tyrant had already besieged; and ambassadors to Rome, to inform the senate and people of what was doing.

1

a Antiochus did not yet declare himself openly, but took secret measures for promoting the great design he meditated. He thought it advisable to strengthen himself by good alliances with his neighbours. In this view he went to Raphia, a frontier city of Palestine towards Egypt. He there gave his daughter Cleopatra in marriage to Ptolemy Epiphanes; and resigned to that prince, as her dowry, the provinces of Colosyria and Palestine, but upon condition, as had been before stipulated, that he should himself receive half the revenues.

At his return to Antioch, he gave another daughter, Antiochis by name, in marriage to Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. He would have been very glad to have bestowed the third on Eumenes king of Pergamus; but that prince refused her, contrary to the advice of his three brothers, who believed that an alliance with so great a monarch would be a great support to their house. However, Eumenes soon convinced them, by the reasons he gave, that he had examined that affair more deliberately than they. He represented, that should he marry Antiochus's daughter, he would be under a necessity of espousing his interest against the Romans, with whom he plainly saw this monarch would soon be at variance; that should the Romans get the better (as it was highly probable they would), he should be involved in the same ruin with the vanquished king, which would infallibly prove his destruction; that, on the other side, should Antiochus have the advantage in this war, the only benefit that he (Eumenes) could reap by it, would be, that having the honour to be his son-in-law, he should be one of the first to become his slave. For they might be assured, that should Antiochus get the better of the Romans in this war, he would subject all Asia, and oblige all princes to do him homage; that they should have much better terms from the Romans; and therefore he was resolved to continue attached to their interests. The event showed that Eumenes was not mistaken.

After these marriages, Antiochus went with great diligence into Asia Minor, and arrived at Ephesus in the depth of winter. He set out from thence again in the beginning of the spring to punish the Pisidians, who were inclined to revolt; after having sent his son into Syria, for the security of the provinces in the East.

I have said above, that the Romans had deputed Sulpitius, Ælius, and Villius, on an embassy to Antiochus. They had been ordered to go first to the court of Eumenes, and accordingly they went to Pergamus, the capital of his king

a Polyb. I. iii. p. 167. Liv. 1. xxxv. n. 13-40. Appian. in Syriao. p. 88➡ 92. Joseph, Antiq. I. xii. e. 3.

dom. That prince told them, that he desired nothing so much as that war should be declared against Antiochus. In times of peace, the having so powerful a king in his neighbourhood gave him very just alarm. In case of a war, he did not doubt but Antiochus would experience the same fate as Philip, and thereby either be entirely ruined; or, should the Romans grant him a peace, Eumenes assured himself, that part of his spoils and fortresses would be given him, which would enable him to defend himself, without any foreign aid, against his attacks; that after all, should things take a different turn, he had rather run the worst hazard, in concert with the Romans, than be exposed by breaking with them, to submit either voluntarily, or through force, to Antiochus.

Sulpitius being left sick in Pergamus, Villius, who had received advice that Antiochus was engaged in the war of Pisidia, went to Ephesus, where he found Hannibal. He had several conferences with him, in which he endeavoured, but in vain, to persuade him, that he had no reason to be under any apprehensions from the Romans. He had better success in the design he proposed by that conduct, which was, by treating Hannibal with great courtesy; and making him frequent visits, to render him suspected to the king; which accordingly happened, as we shall soon see.

Livy, on the authority of some historians, relates that Scipio was on this embassy, and that it was at this time that Hannibal made him the celebrated answer I have related elsewhere", when speaking of the most illustrious generals, he gave the first place to Alexander, the second to Pyrrhus, and the third to himself. Some authors look upon this embassy of Scipio as improbable, and the answer of Hannibal to be more so.

Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea, whither Antiochus repaired, after having ended the war against the Pisidians. In their interview, they spoke on much the same topics, as those on which the king's ambassadors had debated with Quintius in Rome. Their conferences broke off, on that prince's receiving advice of the death of Antiochus his eldest son. He returned to Ephesus to lament his loss. But notwithstanding these specious appearances of affliction, it was generally believed that his show of grief was merely politi cal; and that he himself had sacrificed him to his ambition. He was a young prince of the greatest hopes, and had already given such shining proofs of wisdom, goodness, and other royal virtues, as had secured to him the love and esteem of all who knew him. It was pretended that the old king, growing jealous of him, had sent him from Ephesus

a Vol. 1. History of the Carthaginians.