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the Carnatic: and almost all the rest of Hindooftan, Bengal excepted, had been over-run and plundered. They were engaged in almoft every scene of war and politics throughout the whole country; although it does not appear that they took any part in the contest between Nadir Shah and Mahomed, in 1738-9; except by availing themfelves of the abfence of Nizam-al-Muluck, to commit depredations on his territories in the Deccan. Probably they thought that more advantage would arife to them, from the diforders confequent on Nadir Shah's invafion, than by their affifting the Emperor in repelling him: we are alfo to confider the advanced age of Sahoojee, at that time.

It is difficult to trace the progrefs of the Mahratta conquefts, according to the order of time, in which they were made. We find them taking part in the difputes between Aurungzebe's defcendants at Delhi, as early as 1718: but it was not till 1735, that they found themselves strong enough to demand a tribute from the Emperor, Mahomed Shah. This demand terminated as we have before observed, in the acquifition of the greatest part of the fine province of Malwa; and in a grant of a fourth part of the net revenues of the other provinces in general. This proportion being named in the language of Hindooftan, a CHOUT, occafioned the future demands of the Mahrattas to be denominated from it: although they are by no means limited to that proportion, except in cafes where an exprefs compact has taken place; as in fome inftances, between the Berar Mahrattas and the present Nizam of the Deccan. They alfo, about the year 1736, took part in the dif putes between the Nabobs of Arcot, in the Carnatic; within which district, the principal European fettlements on the coast of Choromandel, are fituated: which difputes eventually engaged the French and English East India Companies, in fcenes of hoftility for feveral years, as has been before obferved.

The fucceffor of Sahoojee, Ram Rajah, who fucceeded in 1740, was a weak Prince: and it happened in the Mahratta state, as in

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all defpotic states of rapid growth, and recent formation, that great part of what was gained by the ability of one defpot, was loft by the imbecility of another. The two principal officers of the state, the Paifbwah, or Minifter, and the Bukhi, or Commander in Chief, agreed to divide the dominions of their master: Bajirow, the Paishwab, affuming to himself the government of the western provinces; and Ragojee, the Bukhi, the eastern provinces: the former continuing at Poonah, the ancient capital; the other fixing his refidence at Nagpour in Berar....

The Paishwah is faid to have confined the Ram Rajah to the fortress of Sattarah (about 50 miles from Poonah) and then administered the government in his name. It is probable, from other accounts, that Sahoojee, during the latter part of his reign, had, by a long and unrevoked delegation of power to the Paishwah, prepared the minds of the people for this meafure; which, to them, hardly appeared to be a change: as Sahoojee, in a manner, shut himself up in Sattarah, and feldom appeared in any act of government, There is fome degree of analogy between this part of the history of the Paishwahs, and that of the Mayors of the palace, in France. ::

Şo violent a partition of the empire by its Minifters, encouraged, as might be expected, the ufurpations of others, according to the degree of power or opportunity, poffeffed by each: fo that in the course of a few years, the state became, from an abfolute monarchy, a mere confederacy of Chiefs; and the loosest example of feudal government, in the world. The two Chiefs of the divided empire pursued each their plans of conqueft, or negociation, separately; on the general principle of respecting each others rights. The local fituation of the Berar Chief, who was less powerful than the' other, led him to a close connexion with the Nizam; though not professedly in opposition to the Poonah Chief.

The invafion of Bengal (of the causes of which we have spoken in page lxix) was undertaken by both the Mahratta states in 1742, and

and 1743; with armies, faid to contain 80,000 horfemen each. The leaders of these armies appearing each to act for himself, the confequence was, that the wily Aliverdy found means to bribe one party, and to fow diffenfions between both: by which the confequences were lefs dreadful to the Bengallers, than they otherwife must have been. Still, however, they are remembered with horror and I have myself beheld many of the objects of their wanton barbarity, mutilated and defaced. As 160,000 horsemen were let loose, over the level country on the weft of the Ganges; and the capital, Moorfhedabad, being 12 miles from that river, it was cut off from all supplies of provifions and neceffaries *, until Aliverdy doubly intrenched the road leading from the city to the Ganges: and thus fupplies were conveyed in fafety to the city, which was inclosed by another intrenchment, or rampart, of about 18 miles in circumference. The Mahrattas, did not depart out of the provinces, until the year 1744; when they had collected a vast mass. of plunder, and had established the claim of the Chout which, however, was never regularly paid. The Berar Mahrattas having, fome years afterward, obtained poffeffion of the Oriffa province, partly by conqueft, partly by ceffion from Aliverdy, their proximity to Bengal, from which they were feparated only by a shallow river, afforded them frequent opportunities of plundering its frontier provinces. And it was not till the year 1761, when Coffim Ally, Nabob of Bengal, ceded the provinces of Burdwan and Midnapour,. to the English, that the Mahrattas ceafed to plunder them. The demand of the chout, however, although made occafionally, previous to the ceffion of Bengal to the English, had never been enforced and during the war of 1780, when almoft all the powers. of Hindooftan were leagued together against the Englifh, it was very feebly, if at all, infifted on,, although the Berar Rajah had an army at Cattack.

• The city of Moorfhedabad is fituated on the westernmoft branch of the Ganges: which branch is navigable only during a part of the year. See Appendix, page 259.* The

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The administration of Bajirow was as vigorous as could poffibly be expected, confidering how the reins of government had been flackened. To the Mahratta empire, it was glorious: for he wrefted out of the hands of the Portuguese, the fortress of Basseen, and the island of Salfette, near Bombay; places that stood in the next degree of importance, to Goa. He died in 1759, leaving the Paishwaship, which was now confidered as an hereditary establishment, to his fon Ballajee.

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At this period the Mahrattas pushed their conquests into the Panjab, and even to the banks of the Indus. But the time was approaching, when this fudden elevation (which feems, in fome instances at least, to operate in ftates as in individuals) was to ferve only to make their downfall more confpicuous. They and Abdalla, had given each other mutual umbrage: and the wars that enfued between them, which ended with the famous battle of Panniput, of which we have already given an account, in page lxxiv, was decifive of the pretenfions of the Mahrattas as Hindoos, to univerfal empire in Hindooflan; which they at that time (1761) found themselves ftrong enough to dispute with the Mahomedans.

Ballajee died foon after. To him fucceeded his fon Maderow, a youth. The Mahrattas had now abated of their ardour for diftant expeditions, and their quarrels were chiefly with their neighbour, the Nizam; whom they by degrees, ftripped of a confiderable portion of his territories on the north, and weft of Aurungabad. Maderow died in 1772; and was fucceeded by his fon Narain Row, who was murdered the following year, by Ragobah, his uncle; and fon of Bajirow, the first Paifhwah who affumed the fovereignty. The atrocity of this crime, made the author of it (who had been a General of reputation in the war against Hyder Ally, and the Nizam) detefted by the body of the people, and caballed against by the chiefs: he befides, failed in the object of clearing his way to the Paishwaship: for the widow of Narain produced a boy, who was acknowledged Heir.

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Ragobah, who stood in need of allies, had engaged the Government of Bombay in his caufe; with whom a treaty, very advantageous to the English, and indeed, embracing the principal advantages fo long defired by the Eaft India Company, was entered into and the fleet and army belonging to the Presidency of Bombay, were accordingly put in motion, to fecond the views of Ragobah; and to fecure the advantages derived from the treaty. Hoftilities were commenced both by fea and land: and the island of Salfette, feparated from Bombay only by a narrow channel of the fea, was taken poffeffion of by the English. This was a most defireable acquifition; as the fettlement of Bombay poffeffed no territory, beyond the extent of the fmall ifland in which it is fituated; and confequently depended on foreign fupplies for its fub

fiftence.

About this time, the Council General of Bengal was invefted with a controlling power, over the other fettlements in India: and the Mahratta war not meeting their approbation, Col. Upton was fent to Poonah in 1776, to negociate a peace (fince known by the name of the treaty of Pooroondar) by which Ragobah was to renounce his pretenfions, and to receive a penfion for life: and the English were to retain poffeffion of Salfette. But in the end of 1777, the Bombay Government again efpoufed the cause of Ragobah; which measure terminated in a difgraceful convention, by which the Bombay army retired to their fettlement; and Ragobah furrendered to his enemies. Being of Bramin race, his life was fpared.

The war that followed between the English and the Mahrattas, was purely defenfive on the part of the latter, after the arrival of a brigade of the Bengal army, under General Goddard: and was attended with the conqueft, on the part of the English, of the finest parts of Guzerat, and the Concan; including the important fortreffes of Baffeen and Amedabad; in fhort, of the whole country from Amedabad to the river Penn; and inland, to the foot of the

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