We have flightly mentioned a general confederacy of the powers of Hindooftan, against the British. The Nizam or Soubah of the Deccan, having taken difguft at the conduct of the Madras Government towards him, in 1779, determined on a very deep revenge. This was no less than to engage all the principal powers of Hinddoftan and the Deccan to join in a confederacy to expel the British. The Poonah Mahrattas were already engaged, and Hyder preparing ; there remained the Nizam himself, and the Berar Mahratta Each party was to pursue a particular scheme of attack, fuited to his local pofition and means. Hyder was of course, to attack the Carnatic: the Nizam, thé circars; the Poonah Mahrattás were to keep the Guzerat army under Goddard, employed; and the Berár Mahratta was to invade and lay waste the Bengal and Bahar proviaces. It has been the fate of moft of the grand confederacies that we meet with in history, that they have terininated rather in mutual blame, than mutual congratulation. The truth is, that they are feldom, if ever, purfued with the fame unity of action, and energy, that are displayed by fingle states. Some are more deeply interested than others: one fears that another will be too much aggrandized; and a third is compelled to take part, contrary to his wishes. In the prefent cafe, the Poonah Mahratta and Hyder were each purfuing their proper, original plans, which had no reference to the particular object of the confederacy: the projector (the Nizam) had probably no intention ever to act at all: and the Berar Mahratta, appeared to act on compulfion: for although the Berar army did march, it was contrived that it should never arrive at the projected scene of action. Be it as it will, it was an awful moment for the British interests in India. The speedy pacification of the Nizam, and the money advanced to the Berar army at Cattack (call it by what denomination we may, fubfidy, or

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It has been faid, that Nudjuff Cawn, who in latter times erected for himself a principality in the Soubah of Agra, made a fifth party in this confederacy. Of this circumstance, I am not fufficiently informed.

loan)

loan) were means very opportunely ufed by the Bengal Government. Indeed the whole conduct of the war was fuch as reflected. the highest honour on that government: and when we fucceffively were made acquainted with the news of the capitulation of the whole Bombay army in 1779; of the total annihilation of the flower of the Madras army in 1780; the approach of the Berar army towards Bengal in 1781 (which feemed to preclude all poffi bility of relieving the Carnatic by a brigade, from Bengal) together with the grand confederacy: I fay, when the news of all these misfortunes, and threatening appearances reached Europe, every one had made. up his mind to the certain lofs of fome capital fettlement, or to the mutiny of one of the grand armies, for want of pay and many perfons thought that they faw the total deftruction of the British influence and power in India. How then were we furprised, to find, that notwithstanding all these miscarriages, we were able, foon after, not only to face, but to feek the enemy in every quarter and to hear of victories gained by the British armies, when we expected that even the very ground they fought on, had been abandoned to our enemies!

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The establishment of the British power in. the Mogul empire, has given a totally different afpect to the political face of that country, from what it would have worn, had no fuch power ever exifted. No one can doubt that the Mahrattas, had they been left to pursue their plans of conqueft, would have acquired Corah and Allahabad in 1772, as well as: the Rohilla country in 1773 and afterwards they might have over-run, at their leisure, the province of Oude, and its dependencies. The British interference prevented this. On the other hand, Hyder might have kept poffeffion of the Carnatic. Some may be tempted to ask whether Hyder might not be as good a Sovereign as Mahomed Ally; or the Mahrattas, as Azuph Dowlah? Whatsoever may be the answers to these questions, they have no reference to the British politics; which require that Hyder or Tippoo, should not poffefs the Carnatic, in addition to

Myfore:

Myfore and that the Mahrattas fhould not poffefs Oude, or Rohilcund. :

.. I believe there are many who think that the British might have extended their poffeffions in Hindoostan, ad libitum: however, one of the greatest of our Indian statefmen, Lord Clive, thought that the Bengal provinces and the circars, together with a moderate tract of land round Madras *, and the island of Salfette, near Bombay; were fully equal to the measure of good policy, and to our powers of keeping poffeffion. Nor have his fucceffors acted otherwife for our wars fince his time have not been wars of conqueft for ourselves; though, erroneously reprefented as fuch. The late war in India may convince fuch perfons, as require conviction on the subject, that conquests made either on Tippoo, or the Mahrattas, could not be preserved with fuch an army as the revenues of the conquered tracts would fupport. We got poffeffion of Bengal and the circars, under circumstances particularly favourable: fuch as may never occur again.

The Bengal provinces which have been in our actual poffeffion near 23 years, (that is, from the year 1765, to the present time) have, during that whole period, enjoyed a greater fhare of tranquillity, than any other part of India; or indeed, than those provinces had ever experienced, fince the days of Aurungzebe. During the above period of 23 years, no foreign enemy has made any incurfion into any part of them, nor has any rebellion happened in any of the provinces (the very inconfiderable one of the Zemindar of Jungleterry, in 1774, excepted†). Previous to the establishment of our influence, invasions were frequent, particularly by the Mahrattas: and one province or other was ever in rebellion; owing to a want

That is, the Carnatic being already the property of another. No one can doubt but that it would be more for our advantage to have the largell part of the Carnatic in our own hands, than in thofe of Mahomed Ally; although the whole revenue of it fhould be laid out in its defence. But the Carnatic is our weak fide, in more refpects than one.

The province of Benares, in which a Rebellion happened in 1781, is distinct from the Bengal provinces. It was ceded to the British, as has been obferved above, in 1775.

of

of energy in the ruling power; an ill paid, and mutinous army; or an excess of delegated power. Those who know what miferies are brought on a country by its being the feat of war, will know how to appreciate the value of such a bleffing, as that of having the horrors of war removed to a diftance from our habitations. There are, doubtless, evils that are infeparable from the condition of a tributary state, where the fupreme ruling power, refides at the diftance of half the circumference of the globe: but these are I hope, amply ballanced by the advantages of military protection: and it is a fact not to be controverted, that the Bengal provinces have a better government, and are in a better state, as to agriculture and manufactures, than any other of the Afiatic countries, China alone excepted. But this ftate is doubtless very fufceptible of improvement, even under a defpotic government: though it unfortunately happens that the grand object for which the Bengal provinces are held, militates against the ease and happiness of their inhabitants: for there can be no inducement to increase a national income for the purpose of finally enriching another nation.

The ftate into which Hindooftan has fallen fince the downfall of the Mogul empire, is materially different from what it was before it was united under the Mahomedan conquerors. It was then parcelled out into feveral moderate kingdoms, which appear to have preferved a degree of balance among themselves: but now, Hindoostan and the Deccan may be faid to confift of fix principal ftates, which hold as tributaries, or feudatories, all the inferior ones; of which there are many. The reader will not be at a lofs to know that the two Mahratta ftates, the Nizam, Tippoo, the Seiks, and the British, are those I mean: for whatever verbal dif❤ tinctions may be made, a compulfive alliance is at least a dependant ; if not in fact, a tributary fituation.

I have ran over the events of the late war in India, with a brevity which may probably be deemed cenfurable, confidering their importance and variety. But I reflected that the accounts of thofe

events

events are in every body's hands; and that every day produces fome fresh matter, illuftrative of them. The hiftory of events that have happened, and that have also been recorded, in our own times, may be referred to, by the aid of memory; their connexion or dependency traced; and their chronology afcertained: but it was necefsary to bring the events of a remoter period more within the view of the reader; the public records of those times being lefs copious, as the scenes recorded, were less interesting to public curiosity.

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GEOGRA