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tion, which however at present but rarely appear in this country; and when, from time to time, any copies of the works above mentioned fall by chance into our hands, they are found to be imperfect and inaccurate.

But if the chief men of this age, the great pillars of empire, relinquishing their indifference on the subject of such matters, and entertaining a laudable desire to know the history of all events that have occurred from the commencement of the eleventh year of his late Majesty's reign (that monarch who now abides in Paradise, the constant companion of felicity) to the present year, one thousand one hundred and sixty-two of the heirah, (or of the Christian era 1748,) should cause those transactions to be recorded faithfully in regular order, they would confer an important favour on all those attached to the illustrious race of our Indian sovereigns.

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Page 12. The Spanish work of Clavigo, to which an allusion is here made, was published “en Sevilla’’ (1582) under the following title—“Historia del gran Tamerlan, y itinerario y enarracion del viage, y relacion de la embaxada que Ruy Gonçalez de Clavijo le hizo per mandado del muy poderoso Sennor rey don Henrique altercero de Castilla,” &c. It has been already mentioned that Sir Gore Ouseley possesses a portrait of TAIMúR; supposed to be original, evidently old, and in style like those pictures executed two or three hundred years ago by excellent artists of Samarkand, Balkh, and other places in the north. There is, however, a considerable difference between this drawing and the portrait of TIMoUR, engraved after an Indian painting, and prefixed by M. Langles to his translation of the “Instituts Politiques et Militaires de Tamerlan,” &c.: they scarcely correspond in any circumstance either of face, dress, arms, or attitude. From the Spanish traveller above named, (who had seen the Barbarian Conqueror,) we learn that TAIMúR wanted one finger of each hand; but neither does the drawing nor the engraved

portrait indicate any appearance of such a defect or mutilation.

His nails are tinged with some red dye, (probably himná,) according to a custom of great antiquity in the East (see Sir William Ouseley’s “Travels,” vol. III. p. 565); and the drawing represents an extraordinary substitute for a sling, by which is supported his left arm, which perhaps had been wounded, or was diseased : this substitute is a branch of some tree, split or forked, and thick, proportionably, as a man's wrist; the forked part is rudely fastened round the neck of TAIM (R, and the ends project behind in such a manner as must have proved extremely inconvenient to the wearer, like the iron collar and long projecting handle with which in some countries the unfortunate African slaves are tormented. It seems strange, that those who furnished the conqueror with splendid dresses did not at the same time supply a more convenient sling, which might have been easily made of silk or linen ; but the editor, from circumstances which he himself observed in Hyrcania, is inclined to believe that the branch had been part of some tree superstitiously venerated for its supposed medicinal virtues of preternatural efficacy.

P. 14. Here it seems necessary to correct a mistake which the editor made respecting those portions of TABRI's Arabic text now preserved in the Royal Library at Berlin: there Dr. Rosen examined four volumes; the other part which he mentioned belongs to the University of Leyden. From a very eminent Orientalist, Professor Kosegarten, we learn that the four Berlin volumes of TABRI's original work in Arabic are the fifth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth. The Leyden Manuscript is the third volume. Professor Kosegarten does not know that any of the other parts exist in the libraries of Europe, and he is inclined to believe (like the author of this Essay, p. 14) that the whole work must have occupied about twenty vo

lumes. “ Integrum hoc opus, Arabica lingua conscriptum, “Tabaristanensis viginti circiter partibus complexus esse vi

“ detur; quarum, quantum scio, nonnisi quinque in Bib

“liothecis Occidentalibus adhuc repertae sunt, tertia, quinta, “decima, undecima, duodecima; pars tertia, quae Lugduni “Batavorum in Bibliotheca Academica asservatur,” &c. (See p. iv. of the Preface to Kosegarten’s “Tabaristanensis Anmales,” published in Arabic, with a Latin translation (from the fifth volume) at Gryphswald, 1831, quarto.) It has been already mentioned (in a note to this Essay, p. 15) that Ockley found some portion of the Arabic TABRI among Archbishop Laud's MSS.; but of what volume this fragment was a part, has not been ascertained. That the second volume is preserved in the British Museum appears from the “Oriental Collections,” before quoted (p. 14), and the Bibliothèque du Roi in Paris likewise possesses a portion; but this, however useful in collation, adds little to our stock of TABR1's Arabic text, since it is, unfortunately, the third volume, like the MS. of Leyden—“Codex Bombycinus, quo continetur pars tertia “Chronici quod Tabari sive Tabariense appellatur, iddue ab “ auctoris nomine,” &c. (See Catal. Libr. MSS. Bibl. Reg. Gallia, vol. 1. p. 161.) TABRI must have been a voluminous author, if, as report says, he covered with writing every day, during forty years, almost eighty pages. “Mox etiam in “libros componendos tantum laboris impendit, ut per qua“draginta annos quotidie quadraginta sere folia scribendo “implevisse dicatur.” (See Kosegarten's Preface, as above

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Chronicle " already noticed,) that the original work is chiefly known through the medium of a very old Persian translation. The editor endeavoured, but without success, to procure a copy of the Arabic text at Shirāz, Isfahán, Tehrán, and other cities in Persia, and subsequently at Constantinople. AASIM AL Kú F1, whom he regards as the father of him who composed the “Kitáb Fatuhh,” died, according to Casiri, in the year 117 of the Muhammedan era (or of Christ 735), and was eminent as one among the seven earliest readers of the Korán :—“Asemus Cuphiensis, unuse septem insignibus Alcorani lectoribus, cujus obitus in an. Eg. 117 incidit.” (See the “Biblioth. Arabico-Hispan. Escurialensis,” vol. II., Index referring to vol. 1. p. 504.) That this venerable personage (Ääs IM of Kúfah) might, in early youth, have personally conversed with veteran warriors whose valour had contributed towards the conquest of Persia, was mentioned as the editor's opinion, in a letter quoted by the Rev. Mr. Walpole (see his “Collection of Travels,” &c. vol. II. p. 428); and ÅÅs1M, we may reasonably suppose, would have communicated the information obtained from those veterans to his son, whose Chronicle, in fact, abounds with minute details, such as indicate very strongly the genuine authority of ocular witnesses. By so powerful a recommendation, the editor of this Essay was induced, many years ago, to translate all those passages of IBN AASIM’s work which illustrate Persian history, the wars and negotiations between Muselmán chiefs and the Sassanian princes and their generals, with a variety of curious and interesting anecdotes, which he has not hitherto found in any other Arabic or Persian

record. These will, perhaps, be soon offered to the public.

P. 26. A history of the GHAzNEvide dynasty has been undertaken by that able Orientalist, Professor Wilken of Berlin, and will be dedicated to the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.

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