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vehement hostility as against the Hindus. Not only was the character of their religion pacific, but at no time during their presence in India' were they, albeit in the ascendant, beyond doubt a majority of the people. It

1 How the Buddhists came to leave India has not yet been shown satisfactorily. The Sankara-digvijaya of Mâdhava-which professes to abridge an older work, but which, perhaps, has no better basis, for the most part, than oral tradition, eked out by romance,-bears witness, it is true, to a ferocious spirit of opposition to those religionists; and such a spirit, if entertained after they had become strangers to the country, may have been entertained while they were still face to face with Hindus. Nevertheless, we have no historical proof that India was ever the theatre of a Buddhist persecution. Few Sanskrit manuscripts exist that were copied more than four or five centuries ago, at which time Indian Buddhists must have been very rare, if there were any at all. Neither among the Hindus nor among the Jainas has one ever observed anything like that liberality of literary curiosity which would be at much pains to perpetuate, by transcription, the holy writ of an antagonist creed; and the fact of a persecution of the Buddhists cannot, accordingly, be deduced from the fact that their books are now but very rarely met with in the possession of natives of India.

Considering the character of their respective beliefs, the Buddhists and the Hindus were under no obligation to be truculently inimical to each other. There is even reason to believe that there were medieval Indian kings who, from motives of policy, adiaphorized between the two great classes of the faithful into which their subjects were divided. For instance, a position of practical indifference in respect of the prevailing superstitions seems to be ascertained with reference to Harsha, king of Kanauj in the seventh century. Hiouen Thsang speaks of him much as if he were a Buddhist; and Bâna, in the Harsha-charita, writes of him as if of a Hindu. Further, we find that monarch figuring as dedicatee of the Nágánanda, and also of the Ratnávali, two dramas, severally Buddhist and Brahmanical.

For the Harsha-charita and the Nágánanda,—of which I discovered copies, after these works had slumbered neglected for many generations, see my Vásavadattâ, Preface, pp. 12-18 and 50-54; and the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1862, pp. 12, 13. See, further, on the Buddhists in Southern India, Professor Wilson's Mackenzie Collection, Vol. I., Introduction, pp. lxiii.-lxvi.

was but natural for their founder, in the course of his mission, to take thought of the centres of population; and the spots which he and his disciples signalized by their teachings were reverently regarded, in after ages, as consecrated ground. These spots were, however, in the neighbourhood of cities, -as Gayâ, Mathurâ, Ayodhyâ, and Benares,'-rather than in the cities themselves; and it was not till after Buddhism had passed its prime on Indian soil, that these towns acquired the special repute which now attaches to them. As for Benares, the attribution to it of peculiar sanctity seems. to date from the period of the Purâņas; and some of these compositions may, unquestionably, claim a very respectable antiquity.

2

A diligent perusal of the copious inanity of the Kásikhanda might lead to the discovery of its era,3 and

1 It is very true, that, all the way between Benares and the towers at Sârnâth, the fields are thickly strewed with bricks and other remains of former buildings. But I am not aware that Colonel Wilford has any authority for speaking of "the old city of Benares, north of the river Burna," which old city, he says, is sometimes called Sonitapura. Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX., p. 199.

2 Professor Wilson asserts, characteristically, that Benares "has been, from all time, as it is at present, the high place of the Saiva worship." Translation of the Vishņu-purána, Book V., Chapter XXXIV., last note.

In the twelfth century, as we learn from the Iaima-kośa, Benares was already distinguished as Sivapurî, "the city of Siva;" and we may thence gather that the worship of Siva especially predominated there at that time.

3 "There is every reason to believe the greater part of the contents of the Káśi-khanda anterior to the first attack upon Benares by Mahmûd of Ghaznî." Thus pronounces Professor Wilson, in his translation of the Vishnu-purána, Vol. I., Preface, pp. LXXII., LXXIII. It would be interesting to be put in possession of even a single reason out of those to which the Professor alludes.

to other chronological determinations. In so recent a composition, and one having to do with real localities, there must, almost of necessity, be many facts interwoven with the fictions: the attempt to discriminate them would, perhaps, be remunerated. The Benares of the present day offers numerous and varied objects of interest to the contemplation of the devout Hindu; and yet, a very few of them excepted, to speculate touching their age, in reliance on the data hitherto made available, would be much too perilous for prudence.

1

1 Unless we are deceived by identity of names, scores of these are enumerated in the Kási-khanda.

In the last chapter of that work, cycles of pilgrimages are prescribed, as means to particular ends, precisely as at this hour. Thus, there is one round to warrant the practitioner from liability to further metempsychosis; another, to secure the attainment of Rudrahood; a third, to ensure emancipation before death. These for samples.

Saints whose aspirations are less ambitious are promised store of good things in future for repeating the Panchatirthiká daily. This consists in: (1) ablution, without disrobing, in the pool of Chakrapushkariņi, with a propitiation-service addressed to the gods, manes, Brahmans, and beggars; (2) reverential salutation to Aditya, Draupadî, Vishņu, Daṇḍapâņi, and Maheswara; (3) visual contemplation of Dhundhivinayaka; (4) a dip of the fingers in the Jnânavâpî well, with adoration of Nandikeśa, Târakeśa, and Mahâkâleswara ; and, finally, (5) a second visit to Danḍapâni.

Of seven preeminently holy places Kâst is named first; the others being Kânti, Mâyâ, Ayodhyâ, Dwâravati, Mathurâ, and Avantika :

काशी कान्ती च मायाख्या त्वयोध्या द्वारवत्यपि ।
मथुरावन्तिका चैताः सप्त पुर्यो -त्र मोक्षदाः ॥

VI., 68.

Mâyâ is Hurdwar. I am not sure whether or not Kântî is the same as Kânchi. The rest are well known. These places are, all,

To the early Arab and Persian travellers Gangetic India was an unexplored tract. Albirûnî, who wrote about A.D. 1000, had, however, heard of the holy fame of Benares, which he compares, not inaptly, to Mecca.2 Mahmûd of Ghaznî is said, on doubtful warrant, to have advanced as far as Benares, and to have made a few converts there, during his ninth incursion. In 1194, Shihâbuddîn, after defeating the Kanaujan monarch, Jayachandra, marched on that city, where he is reported to have demolished near a thousand Hindu temples.1

3

The subsequent history of the place, for

named in the Ayeen Akbery, in Mr. Gladwin's translation of which, Vol. III., pp. 255, 256, Mathurâ and Avantikâ are disguised as Mehtra and Ownitka.

At least thirty or forty epithetical designations of Benares are scattered through the Kási-khanda. Half of that number, or thereabouts, from this or some other work or works, have been noted by native lexicographers. One of them, Panchanadatîrtha, "the quinquamnian resort," refers to five rivers, the Kiranâ, Dhûtapâpâ, Saraswati, Gangâ, and Yamunâ :

किरणा धूतपापा च पुण्यतोया सरस्वती ।

गंगा च यमुना चैव पञ्च नद्योच कीर्त्तिताः ॥
अतः पञ्चनदं नाम तीर्थं त्रैलोक्यविश्रुतम् ।

LIX., 114, 115.

Four of these streams, in small quantities, are believed to emerge into the Ganges, through subterraneous channels, just in front of the Panchagangâ landing.

1 Relation des Voyages, etc., by M. Langlès and Father Reinaud, Vol. I., Preliminary Discourse, pp. XLVIII., XLIX.

2 Father Reinaud's Mémoire Géographique, Historique et Scientifique sur l'Inde, etc., p. 288.

3 English Ayeen Akbery, Vol. II., p. 35.

Major Stewart's History of Bengal, p. 36. Elsewhere we read, that, "having broken the idols in above a thousand temples, he purified and consecrated the latter to the worship of the true God.” Colonel Briggs's translation from Farishta, Vol. I., p. 179.

many centuries, is well-nigh a blank. Its religious character was not, in the eyes of its Islamite masters, a thing to recommend it; and commercial or political importance it had none.' Even Akbar, with all his toleration of Hinduism, and occasional partiality to it, did nothing to prop the sinking fortunes of Benares. Its decline was uninterrupted; and, under Aurangzeb, who changed its name to Muhammadâbâd,' it reached, at last, the depth of its ignominy. At the command of that harsh bigot, its principal temples were laid in ruins, and mosques, constructed from their materials, were reared on their half-destroyed foundations. The Observatory, built by Mânasimha about A.D. 1600, is, it may be, the only noteworthy Hindu edifice of the

1 Fiscally, too, it had come, in the days of Akbar, to be of very secondary note. See the Ayeen Akbery, Vol. II., Appendix, p. 28.

2 I have met with this substitute for Benares in an Urdû book written within the last hundred years. It was originally meant, of course, as a poignant insult. Deservedly, it never obtained, it is believed, any currency.

The Muhammadan names of Delhi, Agra, and Patna are of everyday use. Less familiar are Jahângirâbâd, Mustafa'âbâd, Islâmâbâd, and Mûminâbâd, for Dacca, Rampoor, Chittagong, and Brindabun.

3 Captain Orlich, in the tenth letter of his Reise in Ostindien, says that Akbar entertained the project of establishing a mosque over the Jnânavâpî well. No one at all acquainted with Akbar's character could give this silly legend the least credence. The story looks like an addition to the tale, that, when Aurangzeb threw down the old temple of Visweswara, its phallus cast itself, unassisted, into the Jnânavâpî.

4

Raja of Ambherî. One of his descendants, Jayasimha II., who flourished rather more than a century after him, provided the Observatory with astronomical instruments. From Raja Mânasimha the building was called, from the first, Mânamandira, now corrupted into Mânmandil.

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