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tracted conflict, without having sustained any loss, and without any opposition to their retreat. The anger of General Bonaparte was irrepressible, and he let it loose on Croisier "when he entered. He treated him with such severity, that he "retired shedding tears. Bonaparte told me to follow and 'tranquillize him. All was unavailing:-I will not survive it, 'said he to me, I will throw away my life on the first oppor tunity. I will not live dishonoured.

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This young officer kept his word too faithfully. He had again the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of his general, and at the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, he found his opportunity. When visiting the trenches with Bonaparte, he exposed himself by taking his stand on the crest of a battery under the close fire of the enemy's sharp shooters. Croisier, come down, I order you, you have no business there,' was the immediate exclamation of his commander; but Croisier remained till struck by a ball. The wound was not mortal, but tetanus came on, and he died on the route to Egypt. The circumstance to which we have just referred, as exposing him anew to the reproaches of Bonaparte, brings us at once to the transaction which has been so frequently cited as one of the darkest blots on the reputation of Napoleon. At the storm of Jaffa, the fury of the French soldiery, when the place was carried, knew no bounds; and Bonaparte sent his two aides-de-camp, Croisier and Eugene Beauharnois, to restrain it as far as practicable. They entered the city, and finding that a large body of Albanians had shut themselves up in a caravanserai, admitted them to a surrender on assurance of safety. It is stated by M. de B., that when Bonaparte saw this mass of four thousand men approaching his camp, he exclaimed, turning to his secretary, and apparently much distressed,- What am I to do with them? Have I food to give them? ships to convey them to Egypt or to France? What the d have these boys been doing?' The aides-de-camp defended themselves as well as they could; they stated that they had entered the caravanserai, and that, surrounded by the Albanians, who had threatened to put them to death, and then to die with arms in their hands, they had been compelled to grant the capitulation. They reminded him, too, that he had sent them for the purpose of arresting the carnage. Yes, assuredly,' replied the General, so far as women, children, old men, and peaceable inhabitants were concerned, but not for soldiers in arms. You should have died rather than bring me those wretched creatures. What would you have me do with them?' In this difficulty, council after council was held; plans were discussed and rejected; the army murmured; and finally it was determined, that there was no other way of getting rid of them, excepting that of putting them to the sword. We shall give M. de Bour

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rienne's summary of the business, and leave our readers to form their own judgment of this horrible affair.

The third day arrived without the suggestion of any feasible plan for the disposal of these unfortunate men. Murmurs were increasing in the camp; the evil was becoming more formidable; no practicable remedy had been found; the danger was real and imminent. The order to shoot them was given and executed on the 10th of March. There was not, as has been affirmed, any separation of the Egyptians from the other prisoners, since there were none there.

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Many of those who belonged to a smaller body which was despatched on the shore, at a distance from the main division of these poor creatures, succeeded in swimming to some shoals out of gunshot. The soldiers laid down their arms upon the sand, and invited them to return, by making the native signals of reconciliation. They came back; but as soon as they came within reach, they were singled out, and perished in the waves.

I have confined myself to such particulars of this horrible necessity, as passed under my own eye. Others who, like me, beheld it, have happily spared me the bloody recital. This atrocious scene still makes me shudder when I think of it, as on the day when I looked upon its perpetration; and far more willingly would I forget it, than be compelled to give its description. All that can be imagined of appalling in that day of blood, would remain below the truth.

I have told the truth, the whole truth. I was present at all the discussions, at all the conferences, and at all the deliberations. It will of course be understood that I had no voice in the matter; but I am bound to declare, that the result of the debates, the position of the army, the deficiency of provisions, the want of numerical force, in the heart of a country where every individual was an enemy, would have determined my vote in the affirmative, had I been called on to give it. It requires to have been on the spot, thoroughly to enter into that horrible emergency."

The opinion of the council is said to have been unanimous ; and to Bonaparte is assigned the merit of having been the last to consent, and of deploring the act most deeply.

The celebrated hospital-scene among the plague-patients at Jaffa, is reduced by de Bourrienne to its just value. He was, during the visit to the sick, with the General; and he affirms, that not one was touched nor even approached. Bonaparte traversed the halls hastily, striking the yellow top of his boot with his whip, and speaking, but not stopping. The Secretary admits the poisoning, and defends it. The number infected with the plague and hopeless of recovery, did not exceed sixty; and although M. de B. has no positive knowledge of the actual administration of the opium, he was present when, after a most ' conscientious discussion,' the resolution was formed, ' to hasten 'by a few instants,' an approaching and inevitable death. Soon after the Commander-in-chief's return from his disastrous Syrian

expedition, he was called, by the movements of Mourad Bey, to the neighbourhood of the Pyramids.

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This visit, occasioned by the casualties of war, has given rise to a compact little romance. He is stated to have called together the mufti and the ulema, and to have exclaimed, when entering the great pyramid, Glory to Allah! God alone is God, and Mahomet is his Prophet. Now, Bonaparte did not enter the great pyramid; he had not such a wish, nor even the thought. Certainly I should have followed him: I did not quit him in that desert for a single second. He caused persons to enter one of the greater pyramids. He stood before the entrance, and when they returned, they told him all that they had seen in the interior; that is, they told him that they had seen nothing. All this conversation with the mufti and the ulema, is a miserable jest; they were just as much present as were the pope and his cardinals. Ignorance only could suppose anything in common between the pyramids and the Mussulman creed. They saw the origin of that worship: they will witness its close. The general's visit to the pyramids was no pilgrimage, but a military movement, which gave opportunity for the gratification of curiosity."

We cannot venture upon the interminable and slightly connected details which still remain stretching out, chapter after chapter, before us. There is one point, however, on which we must, for a moment, touch; with an expression of regret that it belongs to a period not within the personal knowledge of M. de Bourrienne. The event to which we refer, the murder of the Duke d' Enghien, took place after the dismissal of the secretary; and consequently, his comments are less valuable than they would have been, had he remained in office. Still, he had so many opportunities of acquiring information, that his opinions are entitled to the greatest attention, and we have no doubt whatever that he is, at least, near the mark in his guess. All the actors in that worse than crime, that 'gross and inexcusable blunder', have so anxiously thrown off from themselves all participation in its atrocity, that there hardly remains any one on whom to fix the charge. The Baron de Jomini makes Bonaparte complain of having been deceived by 'the infamous reports of his secret police', and of the per'fidious suggestions' which led him to an injurious coup d'état. M. de Bourrienne affirms, that the act and deed were, without participation, the crime and the blunder of Napoleon, and that all the subaltern agents in the affair were merely the puppets of his will. His own language on this point is clear and decisive. I caused', are the words of his will, the Duke 'd' Enghien to be arrested and tried, because that measure was 'necessary to the safety, the interests, and the honour of the French people, when the Count d' Artois maintained, by his ' own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar cir'cumstances, I should again act in precisely the same way.' In

VOL. III.-N.S.

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the opinion of M. de Bourrienne, the real object of this disgraceful proceeding was, that a decided pledge might thus be given to the men of the Revolution', against any compromise with the exiled family.

'On the 22nd,' says M. de B., I resolved to visit Madame Bonaparte at Malmaison, aware, from my knowledge of her feelings towards the Bourbons, that she must be in the deepest affliction. I sent an express before me to inquire if I might be received; a precaution which I had never before employed, but which I judged expedient under all the circumstances. On my arrival, I was promptly introduced into her boudoir, where she was alone with Hortensia and Madame de Remusat; I found them all three overwhelmed. "Ah! Bourrienne," exclaimed Josephine when she saw me, "what a frightful calamity! If you knew the state he has for some time been in!-he avoids, he fears the presence of any one. Who can have persuaded him to such an act as this? I then related to Josephine the details I had heard from Harrel. "What cruelty!" resumed Josephine; "at least, they cannot say it is my fault, for I have tried all methods of dissuading him from this fatal project; he did not tell me, but you know how ready I am at finding out his intentions, and he admitted that I was right; but with what severity did he reject my prayers! I clung to him, I fell at his feet.-" Mind your own business," was his fierce reply, "this is not woman's play! let me alone." And he threw me from him with a violence that he has never used towards me since our first interview on your return from Egypt. Heavens, what will become of us!'

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We must, however, stop, though somewhat abruptly, in this course of extract and observation. Our readers will see, by what we have given, that these volumes are of a highly attractive character; and it will not have escaped them, that nothing short of an unwarrantably protracted article could give anything beyond a general representation of such a varied and extensive work. The ninth and tenth volumes, which conclude the memoirs, and which are but just come to hand, relate to the later periods of the imperial reign. They are valuable, certainly, but less so than the preceding sections. They are full of conversations, intrigues, and secret history; nor are they free from statements and opinions, not, we think, entitled to confidence without much sifting and qualification. M. de Bourrienne, by implication, attributes to himself the final disgrace of Fouché, under Louis the Eighteenth: but the conduct which he ascribes to that able, though unprincipled individual, seems to us hardly credible. Fouché was a villain of the deepest dye, and we do not question any guilt that may be ascribed to him; but he was singularly subtle, and we pause before we can believe in the imbecility with which he is here charged. He is dead, moreover, and his accuser is playing a safe game.

Art. IV. 1. Satan: a Poem. By Robert Montgomery. Post 8vo.
pp. 392. Price 10s. 6d. London, 1830.
2. Creation: a Poem. By William Ball.
Price 10s. 6d. London, 1830.

MR. Robert Montgomery again!

Small 8vo.

pp. 296.

This gentleman seems determined to keep himself before the eye of the public; and he is wise to make the best use of his paper credit. Lucky in a name already consecrated to poetry, he has taken fame by stratagem, and, by a bold stroke for reputation, has seemed to gain what patient genius can only hope to acquire by years of feverish toil. His name flashes upon us in puffs and advertisements, like a sky-rocket among the stars, eclipsing their feeble radiance by its sudden glare, and attracting far more wonder. But Montgomery's Poetical Works in three volumes'-this is 'too bad.' Puff is all fair in the way of trade, but we detest alike arrogance and imposition. We know not to which of the two we are to attribute this style of advertising Mr. Robert Montgomery's productions; but we do know that it has had the effect of deception, whether that deception has, or has not been intended. And we could wish to regard this as a trick of trade, disgraceful as it is, rather than be compelled to suppose that a young literary parvenu could be so lost to modest and generous feeling, as to allow himself to be thus designated, as if his works could be entitled to be called Montgomery's. We must tell him, that although a score of Scotts, or Campbells, or Montgomerys may be writers of poetry, there is but one Scott, one Campbell, one Montgomery. If he does not know this, it is because he does not know himself. His ephemeral reputation has sprung up under the shadow of a name. Let him not dream of usurping the honours, the reflection of which has lent him distinction. For our own parts, we should deem it almost a misfortune to bear a name which could tempt an annihilating comparison.

Had we felt ourselves free to follow our inclination, we should have waived any notice of Mr. Robert Montgomery's present production; partly because it is of all tasks the most irksome, to deal with compositions of this description, and partly from the feeling that makes us unwilling to brush the down off a butterfly's wing. Besides which, the very title of the poem is repulsive. Were we to term it profane, we should be challenged, perhaps, to defend our application of the term; and precedents might be adduced to shew that no irreverence to sacred things is necessarily involved in putting a poem into the mouth of the Devil. Defoe wrote a history of the Devil; a biting satire it is, but his intention was anything but irreligious. Dryden ill-naturedly remarked, that the Devil is in reality the hero in Para

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