satisfactorily treated by the Author; and upon the whole, we must express our conviction, that, in his anxiety to vindicate religion from being the cause of unhappiness, and to expose the true source of that moping despondency which results from unbelief, enthusiasm, indolence, or conscious inconsistency, Dr. Wardlaw has been misled into an opposite extreme. With this exception, the sermons on this subject are deserving of the highest praise; and we earnestly recommend them to the perusal of our readers. That in which the Author traces these morbid doubts and fears to unscriptural views of Chris'tian experience', exhibits a happy combination of practical wisdom and sound theology. 6 The length to which this article has insensibly extended, precludes our adverting to the topics of the remaining discourses, though of not inferior interest. The volume, it will be seen, unlike the greater part of what comes before us in the shape of sermons, is the sterling product of critical scholarship, deep reflection, and mature experience. Instead of being the cheap display of average pulpit talents, it has evidently employed the best pains and study of the Author, not with a view to the elaboration of rhetorical periods, but to render these discourses intrinsically deserving of that approbation which they will command from the religious public. We are confident that we need add nothing by way of enforcing our recommendation of the volume. Art. III. 1. Memoires de M. Bourrienne. Memoirs by M. Bourrienne, Minister of State; concerning Napoleon, the Directory, the Consulate, and the Restoration. Ten Vols. 8vo. pp. 4193. Paris, 1829. 2. Vie Politique et Militaire de Napoleon. The Life, Political and Military, of Napoleon, related by Himself at the Tribunal of Cesar, Alexander, and Frederick. Four Vols. 8vo. pp. 2305. Paris, 1827. 3. The History of Napoleon Buonaparte. (Family Library.) 2 Vols. . fcap. 8vo. pp. 758. Price 10s. London, 1829. 4. The Court and Camp of Buonaparte. (Family Library.) 1 Vol. fcap. 8vo. pp. 326. Price 5s. London, 1829. WE have not deemed it expedient to engage in a frequent or extensive examination of the numerous memoirs which have been published, of late years, in connection with different periods and personages of the revolutionary history of France. It rarely happens that a man's own statement of his motives and behaviour in questionable transactions, can be adopted as worthy of confidence; and, of the various agents concerned in that strange series of eventful changes, so few have come out of the struggle without loss of credit, that we are broadly sceptical touching their testimony, in all cases where they are even remotely implicated. We have, therefore, by neglecting, almost altogether, this class of publications, saved ourselves a vast deal of trouble, and our readers no little annoyance, in the way of sifting, collating, and comparing these doubtful contributions to contemporary history. Nor should we have departed from our system on the present occasion, but for the interesting and important character of the materials before us, to say nothing of the attention excited by the reputation of the remarkable individual under whose authority they are published. M. Fauvelet de Bourrienne is well known to have been, during a considerable period, the private and confidential secretary of Napoleon; but it is of less general notoriety, that they were schoolfellows at the military academy of Brienne; that they were afterwards brought together by an accidental meeting; and that a connection was then formed, which lasted until circumstances which we do not profess to understand with entire accuracy, effected the disgrace, as it is termed, of de Bourrienne. These circumstances, connected with the undeniable ability of the individual, have drawn unusual, but not unmerited attention to his memorials: it is not, however, to be lost sight of, that they do, in no inconsiderable degree, affect and modify the weight of his testimony. In the first place, the personal character of M. de B. does not stand altogether clear of suspicion. That he has accepted office under the Bourbons, and distinguished himself as their partizan, cannot, we think, be fairly alleged against him as either a moral or a political delinquency, since he is well known to have always cherished an attachment to his old masters, which it would have been useless to carry to the extent of martyrdom, but which he does not seem to have been, at any time, solicitous to conceal. But heavier charges have been brought against him; imputations, if not of positive peculation, yet, of having made official opportunities subservient to the advancement of commercial or fiscal enterprises; and, without going the absurd length of considering these insinuations as proved, we cannot conceal our conviction, that enough of circumstantial evidence exists to call for specific and satisfactory explanation. Now it is admitted by M. de B., that Bonaparte had a very decided antipathy to all such abuses, seldom failing to visit them with severity; and it appears very clearly, that his suspicions concerning the entire purity of his old confidant, had been strongly excited-M. de Bourrienne says, by enemies, and this may certainly have been the case, though the word of the accused is hardly sufficient proof. It should seem that there must have been statements, if not evidence, of no trifling strength, to urge Napoleon to a peremptory demand of six millions of francs from de Bourrienne on his recal from Hamburgh. Be all this, however, as it may, it does not necessarily follow, that we are to reject an important testimony, because the witness may not stand altogether rectus in curia; though we may be bound to exercise a reasonable severity of cross-examination in all points where it may be affected by the imputed infirmities of moral character. But when, as in the present instance, such circumstances have, palpably, excited in the mind of a narrator, a hostile feeling towards the individual who has been, as the case may stand, his persecutor or his detector, the matter assumes altogether a different aspect; and this brings us to what appears to us the weak side of these memoirs. There is prevalent in the mind of M. de Bourrienne, an evident dislike to the ex-emperor; and we have no doubt that it has originated in disappointment. Dignities and dotations were lavished on the civil and military favourites of Napoleon, but the private secretary was passed by; it may have been, because M. de B. was too honest, too straight forward, but still, he was overlooked in the distribution of high prizes. It may, also, have been, that sufficient causes, either forgotten by the man of the cabinet or passed sub silentio, operated on the mind of Bonaparte to the disadvantage of the manager of his correspondence, and that he therefore neglected him, and, by such neglect, secured his antipathy. We have lived somewhat too long in the world, to yield implicit credence to a man's narrative when it turns on matters personal to himself; and, although M. de Bourrienne may have intended (and of this we feel assured) to give a fair view of facts and circumstances in general, it is quite obvious, that while things peculiar to himself are painted couleur de rose, there is a disposition to view the character and motives of his hero in an unfavourable light. The Vie politique et militaire is so openly ascribed to the Baron de Jomini, that we suppose there can be no doubt of the authorship, though there are circumstances and discrepancies which would otherwise withhold us from assigning it to that eminent writer. Some of the military dogmata seem at variance with the opinions which he has expressed in his other works; and there is occasionally a tone, both of language and sentiment, which strikes us as unlikely to be adopted by a man connected, as is the Baron, with the Government of Russia. It is, at all events, an able and spirited book, and gives a clearer view of the great features of Napoleon's military and political career, than any other work that has come under our notice. The singularity of its form is not in particularly good taste. In order to obtain a pretext for introducing Napoleon himself as the speaker, the classic fiction of Elysium is conjured up, and in a style so thoroughly French, that it may be worth presenting to our readers in a translation. During a long period, the memorable events which signalized the commencement of the nineteenth century had been noised throughout the Elysian Fields. The shades of Pitt and Thugut, those of Kleber, Moreau, Nelson, Lannes, and of many other brave men mowed down in battle, had brought a thousand different statements and opinions concerning the combinations which had effected so many victories and reverses. The illustrious inhabitants of these mysterious regions awaited with impatience the coming of the extraordinary man who had been the chief mover of these events, and who alone could explain them in their entire connection. Already had the intelligence of his exile to St. Helena, and of his barbarous treatment there, given intimation of his approaching end. Already had the manslaying and pitiless Atropos seized her shears, resolved to secure a prey so glorious. At last, May 5, 1821, the pure and serene sky of Elysium was suddenly overspread; the waves of Acheron in wrath, the winds let loose, announced an extraordinary apparition. A common feeling of interest and curiosity impelled every one to the bank. The skiff of the gloomy and silent Charon was seen to put off from the opposite side; he draws nigh and lands the shade of Napoleon the All press forward to behold him; Alexander, Cæsar, Frederick, are in the foremost rank, and to them alone belongs the right of questioning him. ... To the usual congratulations succeed urgent interrogations. Alexander, who from the mountains of Macedonia pushed on to the frontiers of India, but who returned victorious, expresses his astonishment at the retreat from Moscow, and inquires its causes. Cæsar, who died unconquered, asks an explanation of the errors of Leipsic and of Waterloo. Frederick, so great in his reverses, so calculating in his enterprises, desires an explanation of the rapid dissolution of his monarchy, and its brilliant resurrection in 1813..... Surrounded by this noble Areopagus, Napoleon, after a moment's self-collection, begins in the following terms." And all this absurdity is for the mere purpose of gaining a point much more easily and effectually secured in other ways. The old method of a Testament politique would have been infinitely better; or a Plaidoyer historique, would have served the turn without this ridiculous piece of school-boy affectation. It has, however, effected the object of putting Napoleon on his defence, and thus making him speak in his own person. The thing is well kept up, and the imitation of language and manner is not unsuccessful; nor will it be speedily superseded as a rapid, but distinct and coherent, survey of that brilliant man's career. We have no intention of going further, in our review of this work, than this general notice: the superior originality of de Bourrienne's work claims for it the preference, and we cannot afford a separate article to De Jomini. The smaller works of which we have cited the titles, are noticeable chiefly as forming part of a very respectably edited series of publications, now in course of emission from the great magazine in Albemarle-street. The History of Napoleon Buo'naparte', is written with much talent, and may be taken as a fair English detail of a life which demands a deeper search, a wider range, and a more impartial spirit, for its adequate development. It is a useful and attractive compendium, and the decorations are good. The Court and Camp of Buonaparte', offers a series of lively, but exceedingly superficial sketches, never comprehensive, and not always accurate. The military executions of Madrid are charged on Murat, while the more probable statements ascribe them to the unauthorised ferocity of Grouchy. It is said of Suchet, that he is one of the very 'few French generals who have not stained themselves by rapine ' and inhumanity.' We fear that this eulogy is hardly consistent with truth. In the brief memoir prefixed to his Spanish campaigns, on which we suppose that the Writer in the Family Library' has mainly relied for his facts, it is, if we remember rightly, carefully kept out of sight, that Suchet commanded, in La Vendée, the battalion which executed the orders of the detestable Maignet, and which destroyed by fire and sword, the miserable commune of Bedouin. A perusal, however, of the details, given by the Marshal himself, of his conduct in Spain, is quite enough to fix upon him the charge of inhu 'manity.' We cannot just now refer to the book itself, but we believe that there are two instances in which he describes himself as having ordered shot and shells to be thrown among crowds of non-combatants, old men, women, and children, that their cries and sufferings might appal the native regulars, under whose protection they had taken refuge. The Life of Talleyrand is admirably written, but the talents of Savary are much under-rated in the sketch of his career, and it should have been noticed, that de Bourrienne defends his character, and speaks of him in the highest terms on almost all occasions: it is true, that there was, very obviously, a good understanding between them, but the testimony should not have been passed over in this instance, when it had been deemed so valuable in other cases. We now return to the Memoirs of M. de Bourrienne, and, without involving ourselves in the multiplied details of a book essentially desultory, we shall sufficiently, and, perhaps, more interestingly exemplify its nature, by selecting such particulars as may tend to correct erroneous notions concerning the habits VOL. III.-N.S. A A |