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CONTENTS OF 'NO. XXXIV.
1. M. J. B. Say's Letters to the Rev. T. R. Malthus, on Political Economy; parti-
II. Marriage and Divorce. (Original.]
III. On the Poetical Character of Pope, &c. By the Rev. W. Lisle Bowles. [Ori-
IV. On the Production of Wealth ; in a Letter to the Rev. T. R. Malthus, occasio
oned by his attempt to maintain the Division of Classes into Productive and Unproduc-
V. On the present National Distress.
IX. The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech on Foreign Commerce. (Revised and cor-
rected by his Lordship expressly for this Work.]
X. Considerations on the Corn Question, &c. [Original.]
VI. Sure METHODS of ATTAINING a Long and HEALTH-
FOL LIFE; with Means of CORRECTING A BAD
CONTENTS OF NO. XXXV.
I. The Declaration of England against the Acts and Projects of the Holy Alli-
ance; with an Appendix, containing Official Documents,
On the Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, and on the possible consequence
of this dissolution to the Nation, the Government, and the Ministry. By
M. Benj. Constant, (Translated exclusively for the Pamphleteer.)
Rienzi and Buonaparte, (never before published). By G. Meadley,
By a Barrister. (The fourth Edition, enlarged by the Author.)
ples of Poetry,” &c. By the Rev. W. L. Bowles. [Original.]
cation of the Press.
American Colonies. (Original.]
When War broke out in Europe in consequence of the French Revolution, the People of Great Britain were led to take part with the combined Sovereigns against France, under various pretexts. A breach of treaty was alleged. The preservation of our properties, the defence of our establishment against Republicans and Levellers, and many other reasons, were urged for persevering in a contest once begun; they were strengthened by appeals to the national pride, to our sense of moral and religious duties, to our sympathy for a suffering world, and to every noble and generous quality of the human heart. These motives prevailed. Touched by the sentiments of honor, and persuaded by plausible expositions of the national interest, we followed the leaders of our public councils in the course prescribed to us, with implicit deference and with unextinguishable ardor. We stopped at no sacrifices. We
gave them the Revenue of the State, and the principal of its wealth. We surrendered to them our Constitution. We shared with them in every vicissitude of good and of evil fortune during a period of twenty years-deserted, and occasionally attacked, by those very Sovereigns for whom we had first embarked in the contest-until it pleased Providence to interpose for our common preservation, and by destroying the armies of Napoleon, to open the way for a general peace.
Delivered from all danger affecting ourselves, we saw with satisfaction the opportunity return to Europe of repairing its many losses, and of regaining the liberties of which its People had for so long been deprived; and it was not without the hope that, having so largely contributed to the fall of the French power by the uniform