operate. In consequence, three or four times more than the sums really due were often extorted by these locusts, who went down and encamped in different parts of the country, and, under various pretences, so devoured and worried the people that they were glad to get rid of them on any terms. Nay, sometimes, when one Aûmeen had made his bargain with the land-owners and tenants, and received the greater part of the payment in advance, a second would make his appearance with more recent powers, (having out-bid his predecessors,) and begin assessing and collecting anew, telling the plundered villagers that they had done wrong to pay before it was due, and that they must look to the first man for repayment of what they had been defrauded of. "All this has been done," was said to me, "and the King will neither see it nor hear it." It was not likely, however, to be done long without resistance. The stronger Zemindars built mud forts, the poor Ryuts planted bamboos and thorny jungle round their villages; every man that had not a sword sold his garment to procure one, and they bade the king's officers keep their distance. The next step, however, of Government, was to call in the aid of British troops to quell these insurgents. This the King of Oude had, by the letter and spirit of existing treaties, a right to do. His father and uncle had purchased this right by the cession of nearly one-third of their whole territories,-by the admission of two or three garrisons of subsidiary troops into their remaining provinces, and by the disbanding of by far the greater part of their own army, on the express condition that the English should undertake to defend them against all external and internal enemies. Still Saadut Ali had used this right very sparingly. He was not fond of admitting, far less requesting, any more foreign interference than he could help. And his own guards, consisting of 2000 regular infantry, 1000 horse, 300 artillery, and the irregulars whom I have noticed, were enough for all unusual occasions, and were in excellent order and discipline. Now, however, all was changed. The soldiers themselves were so ill paid that it was difficult to keep them together; the artillery, a beautiful little corps, first mutinied and then disbanded themselves to the last man, and the King had really no option between either altering his system, or governing without taxes, or calling in British aid. That aid was demanded and given; and during the greater part of Lord Hastings' time this wretched country was pillaged under sanction of the British name, and under the terror of sepoy bayonets, till at length the remonstrances of the British officers employed on this service became so urgent, and the scandal so notorious and so great, not to omit that the number of the disaffected increased daily, and that the more parties were sent out in support of the Aûmeens, the more

were called for, while every peasant who lost lands or property in the progress of the system, became a Decoit and made inroads into the Company's provinces, that a different course was imperiously forced on government. Accordingly, the Resident was instructed to urge anew on the king the adoption of a regular system of leasing the crown dues for a certain number of years, like that adopted in the Company's territories, and leasing them to the Zemindars themselves, not to these greedy Aûmeens. He was directed also to require proof, before granting the aid of troops, that the sums said to be withheld were really due. Το the first of these proposals the king answered, that he would introduce the system gradually and with such modifications as suited his country. He even named a district in which he would begin it; but, though two years have now elapsed, nothing has yet been done. The second was met by sending a number of documents to the Resident, of whose history and authenticity he could know nothing, but which the officers sent with the detachment declared they believed to be often perfect forgeries. Mr. Ricketts, therefore, about a year ago, declined granting any more military aid, unless the King would, first, immediately carry into effect his promised reform; secondly, unless he would allow an English commissioner, versed in such matters, to accompany each detachment, and determine on the spot the justice of the Aûmeen's claim; thirdly, unless he would himself, after the example of his royal ancestors, hold frequent and public Durbar, to receive petitions from his subjects, and attend to these specific complaints; and fourthly, unless, to prevent the constant incursion of robbers from his majesty's into the Company's territories, he would allow the judge and magistrates of the adjoining districts to pursue and seize Decoits within his frontier.

To these proposals his answers have been very ingenious and plausible. To the first he says that such great changes cannot be the work of a day; that when half his subjects are in arms against him, is not precisely the time to obtain a fair assessment or a permanent settlement of the land; but if the British will first, as he calls on them in the terms of their treaty to do, put down his rebellious Zemindars, destroy their mud-forts, and disarm their people, he will pledge himself to adopt, in course of time, and with due deliberation, such a system as will give satisfaction. To the second he answers with some reason, that the introduction of English judges and revenue officers, for such the proposed commissioners would be, into his country, would make his own officers cyphers, and his own power contemptible, and that he would sooner bid adieu to his crown at once, and turn Faqueer. To the third, that he has not understood it to be the custom of either the King of England or the Governor-general, to hold such

an open Durbar as they recommend, nor will those who have seen a Lucknow mob anticipate any beneficial effects from such excessive accessibility. But to prove his regard for his people, he has instructed his prime minister to hold a Durbar for these precise purposes twice a week, who is charged to report all cases of importance to his own ear. The fourth he answers by saying, that it is very hard to accuse him of harbouring robbers, while we refuse him all aid in putting down the very Zemindars whose fortresses and fastnesses are the common nests of robbery and rebellion; that if we help him to subdue his rebels, he will keep his robbers in order himself: but that it would be a cruel mockery to continue to call him a king, if any neighbouring magistrate might enter his dominions at pleasure. He urges that "all his difficulties have arisen from his entire confidence in the friendship of the Company. That this induced him and his ancestors to disband an excellent army, till they scarce left sentries enough for the palace; and thus they have become unable, without help, to enforce payment of their ancient revenues. That this induced him to lend to the British Government all the money which would else have enabled him to ease the people of their burthens, and to meet without inconvenience whatever loss of income a new assessment may, for some time, render inevitable. That he never has refused, and never will refuse, to give the best consideration in his power to any measures of reform which may be, in a friendly manner, proposed to him: but he refers those who represent him as a tyrant, or who speak of his country as depopulated, to every traveller who has marched along its principal roads, and has observed the extent of cultivation through which they are carried." He concludes by saying, that " he is aware, that notwithstanding the tone of equality and independence which in their treaties and official correspondence the Company have allowed him to maintain, he is in fact in their power; but if he is to reign at all, for which he knows that he has no guarantee but British good faith, he entreats that his requests for the performance of a positive treaty may not be met by stipulations which would render that treaty vain, that he may be defended from the only enemies he has, or is likely to have, his rebellious Zemindars, and protected in the exercise of functions which are essential parts of that sovereignty which has been so solemnly and repeatedly guaranteed to him." The statement, of which these are the purport, I thought very curious; they certainly show strongly the perplexities and mischief arising from the subsidiary system which seems for so many years to have been our favourite policy in India, and to which it must be owned a considerable part of our political greatness is owing.

I can bear witness certainly to the truth of the King's state

ment, that his territories are really in a far better state of cultivation than I had expected to find them. From Lucknow to Sandee, where I am now writing, the country is as populous and well cultivated as most of the Company's provinces. The truth perhaps is, that for more than a year back, since the aid of British troops has been withheld, affairs have been in some respects growing better. The Zemindars have in The Zemindars have in a few instances carried their point, the Aûmeens have been either driven away entirely or been forced to a moderate compromise, and the chief actual sufferers at the present moment are the King, who gets little or nothing even of his undoubted dues, and the traveller, who, unless he have such a guard as I have, had better sleep in a safe skin on the other side of the Ganges. It should be observed, however, that I have as yet seen no signs of those mud-forts, stockades, and fortresses, on which the Zemindars and peasantry are said to rely for safety; that the common people north of Lucknow are, I think, not so universally loaded with arms as those to the southward, and that though I have heard a good deal all the way of the distressed state of the country, as well as its anarchy and lawlessness, except in the single instance I have mentioned, where the treasure was attacked, I have seen no signs of either, or had any reason to suppose that the King's writ does not pass current, or that our Aûmeen would have the least difficulty in enforcing it in our favour, even without the small payment which I give, and which is evidently accepted as a gratuity. I cannot but suspect, therefore, that the misfortunes and anarchy of Oude are somewhat overrated, though it is certain that so fine a land will take a long time in ruining, and that very many years of oppression will be required to depopulate a country which produces on the same soil, and with no aid but irrigation, crops of wheat and pulse every year.

It seemed strange to me why, since so much of the present calamities of the country were ascribed to the misconduct of the minister, his removal was not demanded in the first instance, after which all subsequent measures of reform might be looked forward to as attainable. But it was apprehended that the King would rather abdicate than be dictated to in this particular, and that it was thought better to urge an effectual change of system, than the mere removal of an individual who might be replaced by somebody not at all better. I asked also if the people thus oppressed desired, as I had been assured they did, to be placed under English Government? Captain Lockitt said that he had heard the same thing; but on his way this year to Lucknow, and conversing, as his admirable knowledge of Hindoostanee enables him to do, familiarly with the suwarrs who accompanied him, and who spoke out, like all the rest of their countrymen, on the weakness VOL. I.-43

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CHRISTIANS IN LUCKNOW.

of the King and the wickedness of the Government, he fairly put the question to them, when the jemautdar, joining his hands, said with great fervency," miserable as we are, of all miseries keep us from that!" "Why so?" said Captain Lockitt, "are not our people far better governed ?" "Yes," was the answer, "but the name of Oude and the honour of our nation would be at an end.” There are, indeed, many reasons why high-born and ambitious men must be exceedingly averse to our rule; but the preceding expression of one in humble rank savours of more national feeling and personal frankness than is always met with in India. He was a soldier, however, and a Mussulman, who spoke thus. A Hindoo Ryut might have answered differently, and it is possible that both accounts may be true, though this only can I vouch for as authentic. It ought to be borne in mind, that the oppression and anarchy to which Oude is a prey, are chiefly felt and witnessed in the villages. In the towns the King's authority passes unquestioned, and I have not heard that the dustoury levied is irregular or excessive. An insurrection in Lucknow would be a dreadful thing, and most ministers will be careful how they excite it.

The population of Lucknow is guessed at three hundred thousand. But Mussulmans regard every attempt to number the people as a mark of great impiety, and a sure presage of famine or pestilence; so that nothing can be known with accuracy. It is, I really think, large enough and sufficiently crowded to contain that number. There are two bridges over the Goomty, one a very noble old Gothic edifice of stone, of, I believe, eleven arches; the other a platform laid on boats, and merely connecting the king's park with his palace. Saadut Ali had brought over an iron bridge from England, and a place was prepared for its erection; but on his death the present sovereign declined prosecuting the work, on the ground that it was unlucky; so that in all probability it will lie where it is, till the rust reduces it to powder.

There are, in Lucknow, a considerable number of Christians of one kind or other. Besides the numerous dependants of the Residency, the King has a great many Europeans and half-castes in his employ. There are also many tradesmen of both these descriptions, and a strange medley of adventurers of all nations and sects, who ramble hither in the hope, generally a fruitless one, of obtaining employment.

had numerous congregations, both at the Cantonments and the Residency, the two Sundays which I staid. The Hindoostanee reads well in prayer, particularly those words which are derived from the Arabic, as most of the religious terms in the translation of our Liturgy appear to be. I like the sound of " Aram Ullahi

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