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nature recoil from the horrible practical law. It is to be observed, that tical inferences to which this theory Mr. Gladstone rests his case on entirely leads, he is reduced sometimes to take new grounds, and does not differ more refuge in arguments inconsistent with widely from us than from some of those his fundamental doctrines, and some- who have hitherto been considered as the times to escape from the legitimate most illustrious champions of the Church. consequences of his false principles, He is not content with the Ecclesiastiunder cover of equally false history. cal Polity, and rejoices that the latter part of that celebrated work “does not carry with it the weight of Hooker's plenary authority." He is not content with Bishop Warburton's Alliance of Church and State. "The propositions of that work generally," he says, "are to be received with qualification;" and he agrees with Bolingbroke in thinking that Warburton's whole theory rests on a fiction. He is still less satisfied with Paley's defence of the Church, which he pronounces to be "tainted by the original vice of false ethical principles," and "full of the seeds of evil." He conceives that Dr. Chalmers has taken a partial view of the subject, and “put forth much questionable matter." In truth, on almost every point on which we are opposed to Mr. Gladstone, we have on our side the authority of some divine, eminent as a defender of exist

It would be unjust not to say that this book, though not a good book, shows more talent than many good books. It abounds with eloquent and ingenious passages. It bears the signs of much patient thought. It is written throughout with excellent taste and excellent temper; nor does it, so far as we have observed, contain one expression unworthy of a gentleman, a scholar, or a Christian. But the doctrines which are put forth in it appear to us, after full and calm consideration, to be false, to be in the highest degree pernicious, and to be such as, if followed out in practice to their legitimate consequences, would inevitably produce the dissolution of society; and for this opinion we shall proceed to give our reasons with that freedom which the importance of the subject requires, and which Mr. Gladstone, both by precept and by example, invites using establishments.

that the propagation of religious truth is one of the principal ends of government, as government. If Mr. Gladstone has not proved this proposition, his system vanishes at once.

to use, but, we hope, without rudeness, Mr. Gladstone's whole theory rests and, we are sure, without malevolence. on this great fundamental proposition, Before we enter on an examination of this theory, we wish to guard ourselves against one misconception. It is possible that some persons who have read Mr. Gladstone's book carelessly, and others who have merely heard in conversation, or seen in a newspaper, that the member for Newark has written in defence of the Church of England against the supporters of the voluntary system, may imagine that we are writing in defence of the voluntary system, and that we desire the abolition of the Established Church. This is not the case. It would be as unjust to accuse us of attacking the Church, because we attack Mr. Gladstone's doctrines, as it would be to accuse Locke of wishing for anarchy, because he refuted Filmer's patriarchal theory of government, or to accuse Blackstone of recommending the confiscation of ecclesiastical property, because he denied that the right of the rector to tithe was derived from the Levi

We are desirous, before we enter on the discussion of this important question, to point out clearly a distinction which, though very obvious, seems to be overlooked by many excellent people. In their opinion, to say that the ends of government are temporal and not spiritual is tantamount to saying that the temporal welfare of man is of more importance than his spiritual welfare. But this is an entire mistake. The question is not whether spiritual interests be or be not superior in importance to temporal interests; but whether the machinery which happens at any moment to be employed for the purpose of protecting certain temporal interests of a society be necessarily such a machinery as is fitte

to promote the spiritual interests of that | tured, to be robbed, to be sold into society. Without a division of labour slavery, these are evidently evils from the world could not go on. It is of very which men of every religion, and men much more importance that men should of no religion, wish to be protected; have food than that they should have and therefore it will hardly be disputed pianofortes. Yet it by no means fol- that men of every religion, and of no lows that every pianoforte-maker ought religion, have thus far a common into add the business of a baker to his terest in being well governed. own; for, if he did so, we should have But the hopes and fears of man are both much worse music and much not limited to this short life and to this worse bread. It is of much more im-visible world. He finds himself surportance that the knowledge of reli-rounded by the signs of a power and gious truth should be wisely diffused wisdom higher than his own; and, in than that the art of sculpture should all ages and nations, men of all orders flourish among us. Yet it by no means of intellect, from Bacon and Newton, follows that the Royal Academy ought down to the rudest tribes of cannibals, to unite with its present functions those have believed in the existence of some of the Society for Promoting Christian superior mind. Thus far the voice of Knowledge, to distribute theological mankind is almost unanimous. But tracts, to send forth missionaries, to whether there be one God, or many, turn out Nollekens for being a Catholic, what may be God's natural and what Bacon for being a methodist, and Flax- His moral attributes, in what relation man for being a Swedenborgian. For His creatures stand to Him, whether the effect of such folly would be that He have ever disclosed Himself to us we should have the worst possible Aca- by any other revelation than that which demy of Arts, and the worst possible is written in all the parts of the gloSociety for the Promotion of Christian rious and well ordered world which Knowledge. The community, it is plain, He has made, whether His revelation would be thrown into universal confu- be contained in any permanent record, sion, if it were supposed to be the duty how that record should be interpreted, of every association which is formed and whether it have pleased Him to for one good object to promote every appoint any unerring interpreter on other good object. earth, these are questions respecting which there exists the widest diversity of opinion, and respecting some of which a large part of our race has, ever since the dawn of regular history, been deplorably in error.

As to some of the ends of civil government, all people are agreed. That it is designed to protect our persons and our property; that it is designed to compel us to satisfy our wants, not by rapine, but by 'industry; that it is designed to compel us to decide our differences, not by the strong hand, but by arbitration; that it is designed to direct our whole force, as that of one man, against any other society which may offer us injury; these are propositions which will hardly be disputed.

Now here are two great objects: one is the protection of the persons and estates of citizens from injury; the other is the propagation of religious truth. No two objects more entirely distinct can well be imagined. The former belongs wholly to the visible and tangible world in which we live; Now these are matters in which the latter belongs to that higher world man, without any reference to any which is beyond the reach of our senses. higher being, or to any future state, The former belongs to this life; the is very deeply interested. Every human latter to that which is to come. Men being, be he idolater, Mahometan, Jew, who are perfectly agreed as to the imPapist, Socinian, Deist, or Atheist, portance of the former object, and as naturally loves life, shrinks from pain, to the way of obtaining it, differ as desires comforts which can be enjoyed widely as possible respecting the latter enly in communities where property is object. We must, therefore, pause besecure To be murdered, to be tor-fore we admit that the persons, be they

he adds, "that, if a Mahometan conscientiously believes his religion to come from God, and to teach divine truth, he must believe that truth to be beneficial, and beneficial beyond all other things to the soul of man; and he must therefore, and ought to desire its extension, and to use for its extension all proper and legitimate means; and that, if such Mahometan be a prince, he ought to count among those means the application of whatever influence or funds he may lawfully have at his disposal for such purposes."

Surely this is a hard saying. Before we admit that the Emperor Julian, in employing the influence and the funds at his disposal for the extinction of Christianity, was doing no more than his duty, before we admit that the Arian Theodoric would have commit

who they may, who are intrusted with | vating the case of the holders of such power for the promotion of the former creed." "I do not scruple to affirm," object, ought always to use that power for the promotion of the latter object. Mr. Gladstone conceives that the duties of governments are paternal; a doctrine which we shall not believe till he can show us some government which loves its subjects as a father loves a child, and which is as superior in intelligence to its subjects as a father is to a child. He tells us in lofty though somewhat indistinct language, that "Government occupies in moral the place of rò râv in physical science." If government be indeed rò mâv in moral science, we do not understand why rulers should not assume all the functions which Plato assigned to them. Why should they not take away the child from the mother, select the nurse, regulate the school, overlook the playground, fix the hours of labour and of recreation, prescribe what ballads shall ted a crime if he had suffered a single be sung, what tunes shall be played, believer in the divinity of Christ to what books shall be read, what physic hold any civil employment in Italy, shall be swallowed? Why should not before we admit that the Dutch Gothey choose our wives, limit our ex-vernment is bound to exclude from penses, and stint us to a certain num- office all members of the Church of ber of dishes of meat, of glasses of wine, and of cups of tea? Plato, whose hardihood in speculation was perhaps more wonderful than any other peculiarity of his extraordinary mind, and who shrank from nothing to which his principles led, went this whole length. Mr. Gladstone is not so intrepid. He contents himself with laying down this proposition, that whatever be the body which in any community is employed to protect the persons and property of The following paragraph is a specimen, that body ought also, in its cor- men of the arguments by which Mr. porate capacity, to profess a religion, Gladstone has, as he conceives, estato employ its power for the propaga-blished his great fundamental propotion of that religion, and to require sition:conformity to that religion, as an indispensable qualification for all civil office. He distinctly declares that he does not in this proposition confine his view to orthodox governments or even to Christian governments. The circumstance that a religion is false does not, he tells us, diminish the obligation of governors, as such, to uphold it. If they neglect to do so, "we cannot," he says, "but regard the fact as aggra

England, the King of Bavaria to exclude from office all Protestants, the Great Turk to exclude from office all Christians, the King of Ava to exclude from office all who hold the unity of God, we think ourselves entitled to demand very full and accurate demonstration. When the consequences of a doctrine are so startling, we may well require that its foundations shall be very solid.

"We may state the same proposition in a more general form, in which it surely must command universal assent. Wherever there is power in the universe, that power is the property of God, the King of that universe

his property of right, however for a time withholden or abused. Now this property the will of the owner, when it is used for is, as it were, realised, is used according to the purposes he has ordained, and in the temper of mercy, justice, truth, and faith ciples never can be truly, never can be per which he has taught us. But those prinmanently entertained in the human breast,

except by a continual reference to their | tify their acts done in that capacity by the source, and the supply of the Divine grace. offices of religion; inasmuch as the acts The powers, therefore, that dwell in indi- cannot otherwise be acceptable to God, or viduals acting as a government, as well as any thing but sinful and punishable in those that dwell in individuals acting for themselves. And whenever we turn our themselves, can only be secured for right face away from God in our conduct, we are uses by applying to them a religion." living atheistically. In fulfil

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ment, then, of his obligations as an individual, the statesman must be a worshipping man. But his acts are public-the powers and instruments with which he works are public-acting under and by the authority of the law, he moves at his word ten thousand subject arms; and because such energies are thus essentially public, and wholly out of the range of mere individual agency, they must be sanctified not only by the private personal prayers and piety of those who fill public situations, but also by public acts of the men composing the public body. They must offer prayer and praise in their public and collective character-in that character wherein they constitute the organ of the nation, and wield its collective force. Wherever there is a reasoning agency

as such.

And therefore there must be

Here are propositions of vast and indefinite extent, conveyed in language which has a certain obscure dignity and sanctity, attractive, we doubt not, to many minds. But the moment that we examine these propositions closely, the moment that we bring them to the test by running over but a very few of the particulars which are included in them, we find them to be false and extravagant. The doctrine which must surely command universal assent" is this, that every association of human beings which exercises any power what-there is a moral duty and responsibility inever, that is to say, every association volved in it. The governors are reasoning of human beings, is bound, as such agents for the nation, in their conjoint acts association, to profess a religion. Ima-attached to this agency, as that without gine the effect which would follow if which none of our responsibilities can be this principle were really in force dur- met, a religion. And this religion must be that of the conscience of the governor, or ing four-and-twenty hours. Take one none." instance out of a million. A stagecoach company has power over its horses. This power is the property of God. It is used according to the will of God when it is used with mercy. But let us examine the words But the principle of mercy can never closely; and it will immediately bebe truly or permanently entertained in come plain that, if these principles be the human breast without continual once admitted, there is an end of all reference to God. The powers, theresociety. No combination can be formed fore, that dwell in individuals, acting for any purpose of mutual help, for as a stage-coach company, can only be trade, for public works, for the relief secured for right uses by applying to of the sick or the poor, for the promothem a religion. Every stage-coach tion of art or science, unless the memcompany ought, therefore, in its col-bers of the combination agree in their lective capacity, to profess some one faith, to have its articles, and its public worship, and its tests. That this conclusion, and an infinite number of other conclusions equally strange, follow of necessity from Mr. Gladstone's principle, is as certain as it is that two and two make four. And, if the legitimate conclusions be so absurd, there must be something unsound in the principle. We will quote another passage of the

Here again we find propositions of and solemn that many good people, we vast sweep, and of sound so orthodox doubt not, have been greatly edified by it.

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combination at random, the London theological opinions. Take any such and Birmingham Railway Company for example, and observe to what consequences Mr. Gladstone's arguments inevitably lead. 'Why should the Directors of the Railway Company, in their collective capacity, profess a religion? First, because the direction is composed of individual men appointed to act in a definite moral capacity, bound to look carefully to the pro"Why, then, we now come to ask, should perty, the limbs, and the lives of their the governing body in a state profess a reli- fellow-creatures, bound to act diligion? First, because it is composed of individual men; and they, being appointed to gently for their constituents, bound to act in a definite moral capacity, must sanc-govern their servants with humanity

same sort:

and justice, bound to fulfil with fidelity | afford in their manner of dealing with cor

porations. If, then, a nation have unity of
will, have pervading sympathies, have capa-
bility of reward and suffering contingent
upon its acts, shall we deny its responsi-
bility; its need of a religion to meet that
responsibility?
A nation then
having a personality, lies under the obli-
gation, like the individuals composing its
governing body, of sanctifying the acts of
that personality by the offices of religion,
and thus we have a new and imperative
ground for the existence of a state religion."

many important contracts. They must, therefore, sanctify their acts by the offices of religion, or these acts will be sinful and punishable in themselves. In fulfilment, then, of his obligations as an individual, the Director of the London and Birmingham Railway Company must be a worshipping man. But his acts are public. He acts for a body. He moves at his word ten A new ground we have here, certhousand subject arms. And because tainly, but whether very imperative these energies are out of the range of may be doubted. Is it not perfectly his mere individual agency, they must clear, that this argument applies with be sanctified by public acts of devo- exactly as much force to every combition. The Railway Directors must nation of human beings for a common offer prayer and praise in their public purpose, as to governments? Is there and collective character, in that cha- any such combination in the world, racter wherewith they constitute the whether technically a corporation or organ of the Company, and wield its not, which has not this collective percollected power. Wherever there is sonality, from which Mr. Gladstone reasoning agency, there is moral re- deduces such extraordinary consesponsibility. The Directors are rea- quences? Look at banks, insurance soning agents for the Company. And offices, dock companies, canal comtherefore there must be attached to panies, gas companies, hospitals, disthis agency, as that without which pensaries, associations for the relief of none of our responsibilities can be met, a religion. And this religion must be that of the conscience of the Director himself, or none. There must be public worship and a test. No Jew, no Socinian, no Presbyterian, no Catho-societies, clubs of all ranks, from those lic, no Quaker, must be permitted to be the organ of the Company, and to wield its collected force?" Would Mr. Gladstone really defend this proposition? We are sure that he would not: but we are sure that to this proposition, and to innumerable similar propositions, his reasoning inevitably leads.

Again,

"National will and agency are indisputably one, binding either a dissentient minority or the subject body, in a manner that nothing but the recognition of the doctrine of national personality can justify. National honour and good faith are words in every one's mouth. How do they less imply a personality in nations than the duty towards God, for which we now contend? They are strictly and essentially distinct from the honour and good faith of the individuals composing the nation. France is a person to us, and we to her. A wilful injury done to her is a moral act, and a moral act quite distinct from the acts of all the individuals composing the nation. Upon broad facts like these we may rest, without resorting to the more technical proof which the laws

the poor, associations for apprehending malefactors, associations of medical pupils for procuring subjects, associations of country gentlemen for keeping fox-hounds, book societies, benefit

which have lined Pall-Mall and St. James's Street with their palaces, down to the Free-and-easy which meets in the shabby parlour of a village inn. Is there a single one of these combinations to which Mr. Gladstone's argument will not apply as well as to the State? In all these combinations, in the Bank of England, for example, or in the Athenæum club, the will and agency of the society are one, and bind the dissentient minority. The Bank and the Athenæum have a good faith and a justice different from the good faith and justice of the individual members. The Bank is a person to those who deposit bullion with it. The Athenæum is a person to the butcher and the wine-merchant. If the Athenæum keeps money at the Bank, the two societies are as much persons to each other as England and France. Either society may pay its debts honestly; either may try to defraud its

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