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a section of the state were the whole, statesman who treats them 89 aliens,

have felt for their country.

Protestant Disscnters of our time wish down blessings on those who should rasion of foreign Calvinists? If not, stones, still, we say, their hatred to their Some of the most illustrions public is precisely what, in the situation in inclined to take refuge from the ty-pect it to be. They are treated far Was this because Presbyterians and treated in the sixteenth and seventeenth their country? But it is idle to mul- treated in the time of Laud. They, tiply instances. Nothing is so offen- therefore, have no rancour against the sire to a man who knows any thing of governinent or against their countrythose who exercise the powers of go-, are far better affected to the state than vernment accuse any sect of foreign the followers of Coligni or Vane. But Attachments. If there be any proposi- they are not so well treated as the distion universally true in politics it is senting sccts of Christians are now their subjects miserable at home, and clusive spirit. Till we have carried then to complain that they look for relief the experiment farther, we are not abroad; to divide society, and to won- entitled to conclude that they cannot der that it is not united; to govern as be made Englishmen altogether. The

ciations cannut acquire that strength and to censure the other sections of the which they have in a better state of state for their want of patriotic spirit. things. Men are compelled to seek If the Jews have not felé towards Engfrom their party that protection which land like children, it is because she has they ought to receive from their treated them like a step-mother. There country, and they, by a natural conse- is no feeling which more certainly dequence, transfer to their party that af- velopes itself in the minds of men livfection which they would otherwise ing under tolerably good government

The Ilu- than the feeling of patriotisin. Since guenots of France called in the help of the beginning of the world, there never England against their Catholic kings. was any nation, or any large portion The Catholics of France called in the of any nation, not cruelly oppressed, belp of Spain against a Huguenot king. which was wholly destitute of that feelWould it be fair to infer, that at pre- ing. To make it therefore ground of sent the French Protestants would accusation against a class of men, that wish to see their religion made domi- they are not patriotic, is the most vulpant by the help of a Prussian or En-gar legerdemain of sophistry. It is glish army? Surely not, and why is the logic which the wolf employs it that they are not willing, as they against the lamb. It is to accuse the formerly were willing, to sacrifice the mouth of the stream interests of their country to the inter- source.

poisoning the ests of their religious persuasion? The

If the English Jews really felt & en son is obvious: they were perse- deadly hatred to England, if the wcekly cuted then, and are not persecuted prayer of their synagogues were that The English Puritans, under all the curses denounced by Ezekiel on

on the Tyre and Egypt might fall on London,

Do the if, in their solemn feasts, they called change? Surely to this, that there

to than that which sects of Christians have hektant Dissenters are far better treated often borne to each other. But in fact room than in the seventeenth century, the feeling of the Jews is not such. It

will not be denied that they treated in England ; and on this acIt has count, and, we firmly believe, on this

Charles the First, prevailed
Scorch to invade England.

history or of human nature as to hear men.

this, that foreign attachments are the fruit of domestic misrale.

To our refined forefathers, we supposc, and no man can justly complain that Lord Roscommon's Essay on Trars- he is shut out from it. lated Verse, and the Duke of Bucking- We cannot but admire the ingenuity hamshire's Essay on Poetry, appeared of this contrivance for shifting the to be compositions infinitely superior burden of the proof from those to whom to the allegory of the preaching tinker. it properly belongs, and who would, we We live in better times; and we are suspect, find it rather cumbersome. not afraid to say, that, though there Surely no Christian can deny that every were many clever men in England human being has a right to be allowed during the latter half of the seventeenth every gratification which produces no century, there were only two minds harm to others, and to be spared every which possessed the imaginative faculty mortification which produccs no good in a very eminent degree. One of to others. Is it not a source of mortithose minds produced the Paradise fication to a class of men that they are Lost, the other the Pilgrim's Progress. excluded from political power? If it

be, they have, on Christian principles, a right to be freed from that mortification, unless it can be shown that their

exclusion is necessary for the averting CIVIL DISABILITIES OF THE of some greater evil. The presumption

JEWS. (JANUARY, 1831.) is evidently in favour of toleration. It is Statement of the Civil Disabilities and Pri-for the prosecutor to make out his case.

vations affecting Jews in England. 8vo. The strange argument which we are London : 1829.

considering would prove too much even THE distinguished member of the for those who advance it. If no man House of Commons who, towards the has a right to political power, then close of the late Parliament, brought neither Jew nor Gentile has such a forward a proposition for the relief of right. The whole foundation of yothe Jews, has given notice of his inten- vernment is taken away. But if yotion to renew it. The force of reason, vernment be taken away, the property in the last session, carried the measure and the persons of men are insecure ; through one stage in spite of the oppo- and it is acknowledged that men have sition of power. Reason and power a right to their property and to perare now on the same side ; and we sonal security. if it be right that the have little doubt that they will con- property of men should be protected, jointly achieve a decisive victory. In and if this can only be done by means order to contribute our share to the of government, then it must be right success of just principles, we propose that government should exist. Now to pass in review, as rapidly as pos- there cannot be government unless sible, some of the arguments, or phrases some person or persons possess political claiming to be arguments, which have power. Therefore it is right that some been employed to vindicate a system person or persons should possess pofull of absurdity and injustice.

litical power. That is to say, some The constitution, it is said, is essen- person or persons must have a right to tially Christian ; and therefore to admit political power. Jews to office is to destroy the consti- It is because men are not in the tution. Nor is the Jew injured by habit of considering what the end of being excluded from political power. government is, that Catholic disabilities For no man has any right to power. and Jewish disabilities have been sufA man has a right to his property; a fered to exist so long. We hear man has a right to be protected from of essentially Protestant governments personal injury. These rights the law and essentially Christian governments, allows to the Jew; and with these words which mean just as much as rights it would be atrocious to inter- essentially Protestant cookery, or csfere. But it is a mere matter of favour sentially Christian horsemanship. Goto admit any man to political power ; vernment exists for the purpose oi keeping the peace, for the purpose legislate for a Christian community, of compelling us to settle our disputes but that a legislature composed of by arbitration instead of settling them Christians and Jews should legislate by blows, for the purpose of compelling for a community composed of Chrisus to snpply our wants by industry in- tians and Jews. On nine hundred Atcad of supplying them by rapine. and ninety-nine questions out of a This is the only operation for which thousand, on all questions of police, the machinery of government is pecu- of finance, of civil and criminal law, of liarly adapted, the only operation which foreign policy, the Jew, as a Jew, has wise governments ever propose to them- no interest hostile to that of the Chrisselves as their chief object. If there is tian, or even to that of the Churchany class of people who are not inter- man. On questions relating to the ested, or who do not think themselves ecclesiastical establishment, the Jew interested, in the security of property and the Churchman may differ. But and the maintenance of order, that they cannot differ more widely than class ought to have no share of the the Catholic and the Churchman, or powers which exist for the purpose of the Independent and the Churchman. securing property and maintaining The principle that Churchmen ought order. But why a man should be less to monopolize the whole power of the fit to exercise those powers because he state would at least have an intelliwears a beard, because he does not eat gible meaning. The principle that ham, because he goes to the synagogue Christians ought to monopolize it has on Saturdays instead of going to the no meaning at all. For no question church on Sundays, we cannot con- connected with the ecclesiastical insticeive.

tutions of the country can possibly The points of difference between come before Parliament, with respect Christianity and Judaism have very to which there will not be as wide a much to do with a man's fitness to be difference between Christians as there a bishop or a rabbi. But they have no can be between any Christian and any more to do with his fitness to be a ma- Jew. gistrate, a legislator, or a minister of In fact the Jews are not now exfinance, than with his fitness to be a cluded from political power. They cobbler. Nobody has ever thought of possess it; and as long as they are compelling cobblers to make any decla- allowed to accumulate large fortunes, ration on the true faith of a Christian. they must possess it. The distinction Any man would rather have his shoes which is sometimes made between mended by a heretical cobbler than by civil, privileges and political power is a person who had subscribed all the a distinction without a difference. thirty-nine articles, but had never Privileges are power.

Civil and pobandled an awl. Men act thus, not litical are synonymous words, the one because they are indifferent to religion, derived from the Latin, the other from but because they do not see what re- the Greek. Nor is this mere verbal ligion has to do with the mending of quibbling. If we look for a moment their shoes. Yet religion has as much at the facts of the case, we shall see to do with the mending of shoes as that the things are inseparable, or with the budget and the army esti- rather identical. mates. We have surely had several That a Jew should be a judge in a signal proofs within the last twenty Christian country would be most shockyears that a very good Christian may ing. But he may be a juryman. He be a very bad Chancellor of the Ex- may try issues of fact; and no harm chequer.

is done. But if he should be suffered! But it would be monstrous, say the to try issues of law, there is an end persecutors, that Jews should legislate of the constitution. He may sit in a for a Christian community. This is a box plainly dressed, and return verpalpable misrepresentation. What is dicts. But that he should sit on the proposed is, not that the Jews should bench in a black gown and white wig, and grant new trials, would be an have no political power. The sun of abomination not to be thought of England is set for ever if the Catholics among baptized people. The distinc- exercise political power. Give the Cation is certainly most philosophical. tholics every thing else; but keep poli

What power in civilised society is tical power from them. These wise so great as that of the creditor over men did not see that, when every thing the debtor? If we take this away from else had been given, political powe: the Jew, we take away from him the had been given. They continued to security of his property. If we leave repeat their cuckoo song, when it was it to him, we leave to him a power no longer a question whether Catholics more despotic by far than that of the should have political power or not, king and all his cabinet.

when a Catholic Association bearded It would be impious to let a Jew the Parliament, when a Catholic agisit in Parliament. But a Jew may tator exercised infinitely more authomake money; and money may make rity than the Lord Lieutenant. members of Parliament. Gatton and If it is our duty as Christians to exOld Sarum may be the property of a clude the Jews from political power, it Hebrew. An elector of Penryn will must be our duty to treat them as our take ten pounds from Shylock rather ancestors treated them, to murder them, than nine pounds nineteen shillings and banish them, and rob them. For and eleven pence three farthings from in that way, and in that way alone, can Antonio. To this no objection is made. we really deprive them of political That a Jew should possess the sub- power. If we do not adopt this course, stance of legislative power, that he we may take away the shadow, but we should command eight votes on every must leave them the substance. We division as if he were the great Duke may do enough to pain and irritate of Newcastle himself, is exactly as it them; but we shall not do enough to should be. But that he should pass secure ourselves from danger, if danger the bar and sit down on those myste- really exists. Where wealth is, there rious cushions of green leather, that power must inevitably be. he should cry “hear” and “order," The English Jews, we are told, are and talk about being on his legs, and not Englishmen. They are a separate being, for one, free to say this and to people, living locally in this island, but say that, would be a profanation suf- living morally and politically in comficient to bring ruin on the country. munion with their brethren who are

That a Jew should be privy-coun- scattered over all the world. An Encillor to a Christian king would be an glish Jew looks on a Dutch or a Poreternal disgrace to the nation. But tuguese Jew as his countryman, and on the Jew may govern the money-market, an English Christian as a stranger. and the money-market may govern thc This want of patriotic feeling, it is said, world. The minister may be in doubt renders Jew unfit to exercise polias to his scheme of finance till he has tical functions. been closeted with the Jew. A con- The argument has in it something gress of sovereigns may be forced to plausible; but a close examination summon the Jew to their assistance. shows it to be quite unsound. Even if The scrawl of the Jew on the back of the alleged facts are admitted, still the a piece of paper may be worth more Jews are not the only people who have than the royal word of three kings, preferred their sect to their country. or the national faith of three new Ame- The feeling of patriotism, when society rican republics. But that he should is in a healthful state, springs up, by : put Right Honourable before his name natural and inevitable association, in would be the most frightful of national the minds of citizens who know that calamities.

they owe all their comforts and pleaIt was in this way that some of our sures to the bond which unites them in politicians reasoned about the Irish one community. But, under a partial Catholics. The Catholics ought to and oppressive government, these asso

ciations cannot acquire that strength and to censure the other sections of the which they have in a better state of state for their want of patriotic spirit. things. Men are compelled to seek If the Jews have not felt towards Engfrom their party that protection which land like children, it is because she has they ought to receive from their treated them like a step-mother. There country, and they, by a natural conse- is no feeling which more certainly dequence, transfer to their party that af-velopes itself in the minds of men livfection which they would otherwise ing under tolerably good government have felt for their country. The Hu- than the feeling of patriotism. Since guenots of France called in the help of the beginning of the world, there never England against their Catholic kings. was any nation, or any large portion The Catholics of France called in the of any nation, not cruelly oppressed, help of Spain against a Huguenot king. which was wholly destitute of that feelWould it be fair to infer, that at pre- ing. To make it therefore ground of sent the French Protestants would accusation against a class of men, that wish to see their religion made domi- they are not patriotic, is the most vulnant by the help of a Prussian or En- gar legerdemain of sophistry. It is glish army? Surely not, and why is the logic which the wolf employs it that they are not willing, as they against the lamb. It is to accuse the formerly were willing, to sacrifice the mouth of the stream of poisoning the interests of their country to the inter- source. ests of their religious persuasion? The If the English Jews really felt a reason is obvious: they were perse-deadly hatred to England, if the weekly cuted then, and are not persecuted prayer of their synagogues were that now. The English Puritans, under all the curses denounced by Ezekiel on Charles the First, prevailed on the Tyre and Egypt might fall on London, Scotch to invade England. Do the if, in their solemn feasts, they called Protestant Dissenters of our time wish down blessings on those who should to see the Church put down by an in-dash their children to pieces on the vasion of foreign Calvinists? If not, stones, still, we say, their hatred to their to what cause are we to attribute the countrymen would not be more intense change? Surely to this, that the Pro- than that which sects of Christians have testant Dissenters are far better treated often borne to each other. But in fact now than in the seventeenth century. the feeling of the Jews is not such. It Some of the most illustrious public is precisely what, in the situation in men that England ever produced were which they are placed, we should exinclined to take refuge from the ty-pect it to be. They are treated far ranny of Laud in North America. better than the French Protestants were Was this because Presbyterians and treated in the sixteenth and seventeenth Independents are incapable of loving centuries, or than our Puritans were their country? But it is idle to mul- treated in the time of Laud. They, tiply instances. Nothing is so offen- therefore, have no rancour against the sive to a man who knows any thing of government or against their countryhistory or of human nature as to hear men. It will not be denied that they those who exercise the powers of go- are far better affeeted to the state than vernment accuse any sect of foreign the followers of Coligni or Vane. But attachments. If there be any proposi- they are not so well treated as the distion universally true in politics it senting sects of Christians are now this, that foreign attachments are the treated in England ; and on this acfruit of domestic misrale. It has count, and, we firmly believe, on this always been the trick of bigots to make account alone, they have a more extheir subjects miserable at home, and clusive spirit. Till we have carried then to complain that they look for relief the experiment farther, we are not abroad; to divide society, and to won- entitled to conclude that they cannot der that it is not united; to govern as be made Englishmen altogether. The if a section of the state were the whole, statesman who treats them as aliens,

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