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ficers, feamen, marines, and foldiers on lonies in the Weft Indies before the ift board his Majefty's fhips of war, it is en- day of March 1776. acted, That they fhall have the fole property of all fuch prizes as they fhall feize and take, to be divided in fuch proportions as his Majefty fhall think fit to order and direct.
3dly, Ships, &c. that fhall have arrived at any of the British fugar-colonies, on or before the 1st of January 1776, laden with lumber or provifions; and that, after discharging the fame at fuch colony or colonies, fhall take on board a cargo for G. Britain, or Ireland, on or before the 1ft of Auguft 1776; provided the mafter, or perfon having the charge of fuch fhip, fhall produce a certificate of his fo difcharging and lading, under the hands and feals of the proper officers; which certificate the proper offi cers are enjoined to give without fee or reward,
It is likewife enacted, and declared lawful, for flag-officers, captains, and commanders of his Majefty's fhips of war, to take on board their own fhips, or order on board other of his Majefty's fhips, the mafters, crews, and. other perfons found on board fuch veffels as fhall be feized as prizes in purfuance of this act, and to enter the names of the mariners and crews upon the books of his Majefty fhips, &c. as they fhall refpectively fee fit; from which time the faid mariners and crews shall be confidered to be as much in the service of his Majefty, as if they had entered voluntarily to ferve on board his Majefty's fhips and veffels refpectively. The mafters and other perfons taken on board prizes, and fuch, alfo, of the mariners and crews as fhall not be entered on the King's books, are to be fet at liberty at the first port in G. Britain or Ireland at which the captors fhall arrive, or at any port in America not actually in rebellion.
6thly, Ships cleared out after the 25th of March 1776, from the faid colonies, for G. Britain or Ireland, provided their owners refide as before.
7thly, Ships cleared from the rebellious colonies, for G. Britain or Ireland, or any of the British fugar plantations, on or before the 1ft of January 1776, having on board goods or merchandife in return for debts, &c. due to good and loyal subjects refiding in G. Britain, Ireland, or the Weft Indies.
8thly, Ships laden, as before, with remittances, &c. on or before the 25th day of March 1776, or with goods, &c. in confequence of orders given before the 25th day of March 1776.
9thly, Ships the property of perfons refiding in the rebellious colonies, which on or before the 1ft of January 1776, fhall have failed from any port in Europe where such fhips might lawfully trade, or shall be actually laden in fuch ports with goods for G. Britain or Ireland.
ly, Ships remaining in the ports of G. Britain or Ireland, the property of perfons in the rebellious colonies, on the ift day of January 1776.
That this act, so far as the fame relates to the capture and forfeiture of fhips and veffels belonging to the inhabitants of the above-mentioned colonies, fhall, except in the cafes herein before mentioned, commence and be in force from and after the 1ft day of January 1776; and fo far as the fame relates to the capture and forfeiture of all other ships and veffels that fhall be found going to trade in or at any of the faid colonies, from and after the ift day of February 1776; and fo far as the fame relates to the capture and forfeiture of all other thips and veffels that fhall be found trading in or at any of the said colonies, or bound and trading from any port or place in the fame, from and after the 25th day of March 1776; and shall continue to be in force fo long as the faid colonies refpectively shall remain in a ffate of rebellion.
Provided nevertheless, That in order to encourage all well-affected perfons in any of the faid colonies to exert them felves in fuppreffing the rebellion therein, and to afford a speedy protection to thofe who are difpofed to return to their duty, it fhall and may be lawful to and for any perfon or perfons appointed and authorifed by his Majefty, to grant a pardon or pardons to any number or defcription of perfons, by proclamation, in his Majefty's name, to declare any colony or province, or any county, town, port, diftrict, or
place, in any colony or province, to be at the peace of his Majefty; and from and after the iffuing of any fuch proclamation, in any of the aforefaid colonies or provinces, or if his Majefty fhall be graciously pleafed to fignify the fame by his royal proclamation, then, from and after the iffuing of fuch_proclamation, this act, with respect to fuch colony or province, colonies or provinces, county, town, port, district, or place, fhall ceafe, deterrine, and be utterly void.
Provided always, That fuch proclamation or proclamations fhall not difcharge or fufpend any proceeding upon any capture of any fuch fhip or veffel made before the date and iffuing thereof.
Extract of a letter from Edinburgh to a Gentleman in London, Jan. 19. 1776. SIR,
THE ac paffed laft feffion of parlia
ment, repealing certain fevere acts of the parliament of Scotland made in the laft century against the people called MacGregors [xxxvii. 276, 7.], gives great fatisfaction to people in general in this country; because it fhows the fuperior humanity and juftice of the prefent legiflature, by reftoring the innocent pofterity of ancestors, who, by the old acts, 'had been profcribed to a capacity of enjoying every right, privilege, and immunity as other fubjects; and no doubt every man of the MacGregor race will take the benefit of the act, by affuming and bearing his own true name of MacGregor; which, for its antiquity, vies with all other clans or names in Scotland, except the MacAlpins; but who, though older, are one and the fame people as the MacGregors; and the defcent of both can, by fatisfying historical evidence, be deduced from the royal family of Scotland as high up as 831, 834, and 876; fo that in point of antiquity the MacGregors can claim as much merit as any name or clan whatever; and notwithstanding the fevere measures pursued for their extirpation in the over-virtuous and bigotted reigns of Charles I. and James VI. they are now a numerous body of people, as much civilized, as obedient to the laws, and as refpectable, as any other people in this or any other country. But what fhall we fay in excufe for odious prejudices, to which fome men of this country fuffer themfelves to be flaves? It is unaccountable,
of his ancestors. There neither is, nor ever was, any foundation in truth for what Mr Pt calls a horrible massacre of the Colquhouns by the MacGregors in 1602. In a hiftory of the family of Sutherland, written in elegant Latin, by Alexander Rofs, about 1624, now remaining in the Advocate's Library in Edinburgh, wherein accounts are given of various difputes and battles which paffed between different clans in Scotland, and interfperfed occafionally with the affairs of the Sutherland family, a fair account, among others, is given of what Mr Pt falfely calls an horrible maffacre : According to Mr Rofs's account, 800 Colquhouns attacked a small body of the MacGregors, confifting of about 200, and were entirely routed by the fuperior valour of that small body of MacGregors, who would have been cut to pieces, if they had not beat their enemy. This was no maffacre, but a battle fought by the MacGregors in felf-defence; and Mr Pt might have difcovered the truth of it, if he had made any proper inquiry; but he fuffered himself to be mined by prejudiced and partial informants. And how a massacre in 1602, according to Mr Pt, could be a ground of profcription against the MacGregors in 1633, at the distance of one and thirty years, is to me unintelligible. What he mentions of the MacGregors being diftin-. guifhed by their red hair, and by ftill retaining the mischievous difpofition of their anceflors, is truly ridiculous and defpicable, as well as falfe and erroneous, The ancestors had no more of a mischievous difpofition, or of red hair, than their neighbours; but they had more valour and bravery, and frequently chaftifed fome of their neighbours for their oppreffions and violence; and this only was their mischievous difpofition.
and yet very true, that there are fome men now living in the neighbourhood of the prefent MacGregors, who at this day retain against them the fame kind of inveterate barbarous prejudices and enmity, which near two centuries ago had been directed against their ancestors by their particular enemies. A moft glaring inftance of this is to be found in a book lately publifhed by Mr Pt, of a Tour through Scotland, in which he has very improperly mentioned, as well the modern as the ancient MacGregors, by the lump, as a murdercus clan. In defcribing a lake in Scotland, called Loch Lomond, which he fays is the most beautiful of the Caledonian lakes, he has dipped into the gulph of hiftorical calumny, in words to the following effect: "Near this gloomy tract (which with the fame breath he called beautiful) was the principal feat of the MacGregors, a murderous clan, infamous for exceffes of all kinds; who at length, for a horrible maffacre of the Colquhouns in 1602, were profcribed, and hunted down like wild beafts, their very name fuppreffed like Jews, not daring even to fign it to any deed, but their pofterity fill diftinguished among the clans in which they have incorporated themfelves, not only by the redness of their hair, but by their still retaining the mifchievous difpofition of their ancestors."
This might have paffed as to ancestors dead and gone, but does not go down with their pofterity yet remaining. The truth of thofe allegations could not be confiftent with Mr P's proper knowledge, he being a stranger to the MacGregors, and utterly ignorant of their particular hiftories and affairs. He muft have received his information from perfons living in the neighbourhood of the beautiful gloomy lake he defcribes, who could tell only the falfe and injurious afperfions which the ancient enemies of the MacGregors had, two centuries ago,
fet up and propogated against them.
It can be no Mr P-t converfed with perfons in that country who were incapable of telling him the truth: but it is unaccountable, that a man of learning has been fo unguarded as to write a libel fo injurious to an innocent fet of people, fuch as the prefent MacGregors, every individual of whom will be anfwerable only for his own exceffive faults or crimes, but not for those
Receipt for recovering frozen meat or vegetables.
WHen any perfon buys a joint of meat that is frozen, put it into a tub of cold water for three or four hours, and it will entirely take out the froft, as clear as when it was firft killed, without any detriment to the meat. Cold water takes the froft out of greens or potatoes or any other garden-ftuff, much fooner than thawing it by the fire, or in hot water.
On the Prefent State of PARTY.
THere are at prefent in the kingdom
three fets of people, very different in their principles, but who co-operate one with the other against the miniftry, and would, (if poffible), to gain their favourite ends, involve us all in confufion and mifery. In the first rank, and the moft refpectable for their titles and eftates, are many who have either tafted the fweets of places, from whence they are now expelled, or who wish to acquire what they have not yet had an opportunity of tafting. In the next rank are fome real and true republicans; and in the third, those who profess what Mr Burke in his rhetorical ftyle denominates, "the Proteftantifm of the Proteftant religion." Thefe men all appear to be zealous in the cause of civil and religious liberty; and would make us believe, that the Americans are the most injured people under the fun, and the moft to be pitied.
As to the first rank, though I called them refpectable as to their titles and efates, they are so in no other inftance. The very grofleft of the multitude can fee through their pretences, and know that their only object is to harafs and tire out those who are in the different departments of government, that they may facceed them. Debauched by what they esteem fuperior reason, without any one tie of honour, confcience, or public good, they confider mankind only in a political light; that the herd are born only to be controuled and imposed on; and that to gain offices in the ftate, there are no means too vile to be pursued, nor any chicanery but what may with propriety be made ufe of. Nay, if all other efforts fhould fail, it is a maxim in their creed, that feditions and infurrections may be excited, and the lives of thousands be facrificed for the fake of their aggrandizement. Some of these men may be more violently inftigated to these bad measures by their extravagance, and confequent neceffities; but it is to be feared that moft of them are influenced by a Machiavelian depravity of heart, by a policy at which nature and humanity revolt, tending to break down all the mounds of fociety, and ruin the beft-regulated kingdoms, Nay, could they but acquire their darling power, they would with pleasure behold our happy conftitution destroyed,
and the most arbitrary monarchy eftablished in its ftead.
As to the fecond clafs, if there are any honeft and well-meaning Republi cans, who have imbibed idle notions from contracted views of the petty states of Greece, and the younger days of the Roman republic; while they confine. themselves to mere theory, and form Utopias, vain chimerical governments, in their own minds, they are undoubtedly to be pitied for their folly. But if they endeavour to reduce their theory into practice; if they turn licentious demagogues, and inflame the minds of the people; if they wish to revive the tumults of the Athenian and Roman affemblies, and would have the rabble direct the government of a state fo effentially different, fo infinitely extenfive in comparison, and in every respect so utterly incapable of being governed in that manner; every well-inftructed, every cool and reflecting citizen, will look on them as madmen waving firebrands of deftruction, unconfcious whom they may injure in their fury, and (unless their attempts are rendered impotent by the public good fenfe) how wide a conflagration they may kindle.
But if to thefe real Republicans are joined men of needy fortunes and infamous characters, men who turn champions of public liberty merely because their pri vate affairs are desperate, or because, having unpardonably offended government, they know it is impoffible that they should ever gain its confidence or favour, and that their maintenance and very existence depends on being the tools of oppofition; who is there that does not laugh at fuch men? or rather, who does not defpife? who does not deteft them?
As to the third clafs: The man who truly acts from religious motives, while he keeps within the bounds of decorum, though I may think his principles abfurd, is with me no contemptible character. Far be intolerance in matters of religion from me! nay, far be it from me to defire to controul even a fingle thought of the human breaft in that respect, or not to with for indulgence to the utmost latitude of fentiment! But neither does true religion in its turn with for any thing more than this. What then fhall we fay of the poffeffors of any religion whatever, who being allowed the utmost liberty of their own worship, but reftrained by le
gal forms from exercifing another mode, which their confciences will not fuffer them to break through, are defirous, for very spite, to fhake the foundation of that government which fo kindly protects them, encourage feditious practices, ftrain every nerve to raise tumults and civil broils, and in hopes of getting a miniftry who may be more propitious to their obtaining fpiritual emoluments, are inftrumental in drawing the fword, and fheathing it in the bowels of their fellowfubjects? Do Religionists like thefe de ferve even the liberty which they now enjoy? And would not the most enlarged mind rejoice to see them more coercively fettered? or even corporally punished for what must be in them diffembled piety, and real iniquity? Such religion is the Proteftantifm of the Proteftant religion" with a vengeance. I thank the energetic orator for the phrase.
Extracts from a letter from an officer reti red, to his fon in parliament.
Perfift in your prefent parliamen tary conduct; fupport thofe who affer and maintain the rights of Britain againf the claims of America. For fome year paft I have, with all the attention in my power, examined the merits of that con troverfy, which is now to be decided by arms. I am fully fatisfied, that the Britifh legiflature is fupreme over the whole empire, and has an undoubted right to bind America by its ftatutes; a right that the legislature has conftantly exercised in a great variety of cases, which mark and establish sovereignty: That even as to direct taxation, there are many acts of parliament impofing taxes upon his Majefty's American fubjects; the authority of which acts has never been till now difputed, and the taxes imposed by them have been uniformly paid. But if there had been no exercise of this right of legislature prior to the prefent times, the right would have remained entire, and the fovereignty of the state would have been equally intitled to impofe upon his Majesty's protected and highly-indulged fubjects of America, a part of the public burden and expence of government. The only juft ground of refiftance to the fupreme authority, is the tyrannical exercife of that authority: for I do not affirm, with the declaratory ftatute 6o Geo. III. [xxviii. 118.], that the imperial crown and parliament of G. Britain have authority to make statutes which fhall bind the people of the colonies in all cafes whatsoever. On the contrary, I hold, that the King and parliament have no fuch authority over the people of G. Britain. Suppofe, for in. ftance, that a bill fhould pafs the two houfes of parliament, and receive the royal affent, declaring the prefent Houfé of Commons perpetual, and the feats hereditary; enacting, that, in cafes of extinction and failure of the line, all vacancies should be filled up by the fovereign, or by the house itself; is there an Englishman who would hesitate to pronounce fuch an act unconflitutional, tyrannical, and refiftance to it most juft and lawful? In like manner, upon the fame principle, if the king and parlia ment had impofed a poll-tax of ten or five pounds a-man upon every American fubject, undoubtedly the Americans would
What a real fatisfaction muft it afford to every true lover of his country, to every one who, convinced of our flourish ing ftate, of the mildness of government, of the neceffity of its being stable and fixed in fo wide extended an empire, of the ineftimable bleffings of peace, of the accumulated horrors of war; who is there that does not rejoice in the contemplation, that this aggregate of difcordant parties, this mimic figure, which bears on its front the fair femblance of liberty, while turpiter atrum
Definit in pifcem mulier formofa fupernè, while it is actuated by ambition, ignorance, or malevolence, is likely to be blafted before it can arrive at maturiry, and execute the whole of its nefarious purpofes? Its influence indeed hath reached to the other fide of the Atlantic; the vision of the diftant and ill-informed Americans is deluded, and they behold the monster (which they foolishly imagine will in their favour pour forth its venom [xxxvii. 116.] over this kingdom) like the fun through a mift, twice as large as he really is. But they likewife will foon be undeceived. Unanimity among ourselves, the combined voice of the fenfible and virtuous, in addreffes to a juftly beloved Sovereign, will effectually ftrengthen the nerves of government, reftore order and obedience to the laws in our colonies, and the triple-headed hydra will shrink into its original obfcurity and nothingness.