respect will, if we are not greatly mistaken, prove their most formidable rivals. The cause which excites at present the fears of our own unreflecting manufacturer constitutes, in truth, the very best ground of his security.

In forming a permanent system of corn-laws, it must never be forgotten that from physical causes of universal operation, England becomes every day, in the proportion that tillage extends itself over the surface of the island, less exposed to fluctuation in the average quantity of corn grown on the whole of its cultivated land than any other country in the world. This is a most valuable advantage, which it derives from the variety of soil and climate included within its limits. Large continents generally abound in widely extended plains, either not at all intersected with mountains, or with such as are too highly elevated for cultivation. Hence results a greater uniformity of soils and climate over extensive districts, and the aggregate produce of those countries is found annually to vary in the degree in which the state of the atmosphere may have been favourable or unfavourable to vegetation in the most prevalent soils. In England things are somewhat different. Here we have an astonishing variety of soils in very limited districts, and at almost every conceivable degree of altitude above the level of the sea. Whether the season be, therefore, wet or dry, one part or other of this country derives an advantage from it proportioned to the disad vantage which is inflicted upon another part. When vegetation, for instance, withers and droops from excess of heat, and lack of moisture in one district, it flourishes with additional vigour derived from this very cause in another part of the kingdom which receives a greater fall of rain, and in which the soil is more retentive of moisture. Hence England, from its happy natural situation, possesses much of that useful adjusting property, which certain economists ascribe to the world at large. When a deficiency in the crop of corn takes place in one part of the island, it is sure to be balanced by a superfluity in another district; the average supply over the whole becomes thus in some degree equalised; and the more cultivation is pushed into new districts, possessing a different variety of soil, climate, and exposure, the more nearly will this adjusting property reach an exact equilibrium.

That the system which is to regulate the future admission of foreign corn into the markets of this country should be settled upon some certain, firm, and permanent basis appears to us indispensable; not merely to allay the irritation which is periodically excited by the discussion of this agitating question; but to protect the best interests of this country from a deep and irreparable injury. We feel convinced, that more harm would accrue

to

to every other class of the community from an impolitic disregard even of the prejudices of the agriculturists, than could possibly spring from conceding their most unreasonable demands. It is vain to attempt persuading the English farmer that the introduction of foreign corn would not prove permanently injurious to his interest; it is vain to tell him that his fears on this score are ill-founded; for, whether these alarms of the British cultivator be or be not well-founded, the moral influence which they produce upon his conduct is still the same. As long as these alarms exist, and exist they will, in spite of all that the ablest economists may say and write for the next hundred years-in spite equally

Of patriots bursting with heroic rage,

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And placemen all tranquillity and smiles'

his exertions in tilling his farm will be paralyzed; he will slacken his industry and withhold his capital from the land on which it would be otherwise spread. And if the corn question should be disposed of, without regard to the wishes, or even the prejudices of the class engaged in agriculture, we are convinced that the result would be an alarming reduction in the quantity of grain annually grown in this country. The uncertainty created by the dread of undefined changes has, we apprehend, already been attended with much of this injurious effect; and, coupling the influence of these alarms with that of the enormous actual losses sustained by the agricultural classes within the last ten or twelve years, we have little doubt that the gross produce of land in this country at this time falls much short of what it would have been under more encouraging circumstances. Any uncertainty or alarm, which harasses the mind of the farmer, injures tillage. Like the worm, which works invisibly and silently in his fields, it will gradually undermine the prosperity of agriculture; and the effect of this relaxed energy, calling forth the productive powers of the soil, must very soon reach the other classes of society. Whenever a reduction is effected in the quantity of grain and grass produced in the fields of the disheartened farmer, there must necessarily take place a diminution in the weight of bread, beef, and mutton which can fall to the share of the industrious artisan and working manufacturer.

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Most of those who recommend the application of the freetrade theory to the corn question seem to consider the English farmer just as inaccessible to the impulses of hope and fear, as the team which he drives in his plough. They argue upon the assumption, that, although the foreign corn-grower be permitted to enter into the most open competition with him in the home market

market, the innocent country farmer will continue his usual exertions will continue to toil, to perspire, and slave, utterly regardless of the foreign rival with whom he has to compete. It would be uncivil to say, that the gentlemen in question over-estimate the extent and importance of their own knowledge; but we may venture to hint that they somewhat overrate the apathy and ignorance of the British farmer. The way in which certain economists argue this subject appears extremely simple, and to them, we doubt not, perfectly satisfactory. They count upon their fingers: two and two make four.' The farmers of England bring forty millions of quarters of wheat to market; allow foreigners to send hither five millions of quarters of wheat; we shall thus have in the home market forty-five millions of quarters, and the price of that commodity will fall in proportion.' All this might be very correct reasoning, were it not for a force which perpetually disturbs the systems and calculations of these gentlemen: if we could conceive the British corn-grower to be, as they seem to consider him, exempt from the influence of human passions, the importation of foreign grain would, no question, in proportion to its extent, augment the quantity offered for sale in the English market. But the agricultural classes are yet so far behind the light of the age; the march of their mind' is so slow, that it will take much time, and cost much labour to make them relish these principles of ' the most exact of the sciences,' and act upon them; nay, so incurably obstinate-so impenetrable to the light of science-do we believe the body of British agriculturists to be on this point, that we are firmly persuaded the free or indiscreet admission of foreign grain would discourage the production of at least an equal quantity, which would otherwise have been grown at home.

It is well known,' observes a very sensible and temperate writer on this point, that the productiveness of land mainly depends on keeping it clean and dry, and in manuring it. If agricultural profits are much diminished, the farmer in the first place keeps down his labour as much as he can. In this way he lessens his growth. He is also able to keep less stock; and then he deprives himself of the very life's blood of production. But does not he likewise diminish the production of the country? and every one who is the least conversant with agriculture knows how readily this could go to the extent of half a quarter per acre in any description of land; and yet such a diminution would amount to an eighth or a seventh of the whole produce of the country.'-Observations on the Corn Laws, p. 25.

Supposing, therefore, the free importation of foreign corn to be habitually allowed, it would be the interest of the cultivator to relax his exertions, as the production of a lessened quantity would not only require a smaller outlay, but the diminished pro

duce

duce would yield him a larger return of profit. Assume that the demand in the market now amounts to forty millions of quarters of wheat: the home produce is at present sufficient to meet that demand; and it sells for about 60s. per quarter; the whole amounting to 120,000,000l. sterling. Suppose the introduction of five millions of quarters of foreign corn should reduce the price to 50s.: the forty millions of quarters would then only sell for 100,000,000l. sterling. Imagine the British agriculturists should then gradually relax their efforts, and reduce the growth of corn from forty millions to thirty-five millions: the whole produce in the English market would then be restored to its state before foreign importation; the price would rise to 60s. per quarter, and the British agriculturists would obtain 115,000,000l. (35 x 3) for the reduced quantity grown at a reduced cost, instead of the 100,000,000l. for forty millions of quarters grown at the expense of an increased outlay.

That the English farmers should persist in growing their usual quantity of corn for the sake of seeing their granaries filled with produce which foreign competition will inevitably compel them to part with at a loss, is, it must be admitted, one of the most visionary speculations which ever entered the brain of a theorist. And if the view which we have been giving of the operation of an indiscreet tampering with the property of the British corngrower be correct-we really do not see that it can successfully be impugned-it is apparent that a blow might be inflicted upon British agriculture, not to be counterpoised by the slightest advantage to any other of our national interests.

The whole question, then, important as it must be considered, resolves itself into this inquiry: shall we, by interfering injudiciously with the interests, or, if the adversaries of the non-importation corn-laws will have it so, with the prejudices-of the English agriculturist, discourage native tillage; and encounter the certainty of diminishing the quantity of corn grown in this country, even in a ratio far beyond any supply which we can reasonably calculate upon deriving from foreign importations?-shall we take ten or twelve millions per annum from the British agriculturists,—not to be distributed among the commercial and manufacturing classes of this country in the shape of increased wages and augmented profits; but to be paid to foreigners for bread, which might have been, which would have been, produced at home, if the British farmer had been adequately protected in our own markets against föreign competition? We are quite sure that every reflecting man throughout the whole empire will hold up his hand against so injurious a proposition; we are quite sure that the manufacturers, traders, and mechanics of this country would never wish to see a

measure

measure carried into effect which would discourage British tillage; lessen the capital employed in agriculture; injure the interests of those whose capital is now vested in the land: whilst the whole of the advantage to be derived from this change of system-entailing ruin upon a numerous and valuable class of individuals—would pass by them, and be transferred into the pockets of foreigners.

One thing is clear. It is unquestionably and most urgently needful that we should have the laws regulating the admission of foreign corn placed upon a steady and permanent basis. The farmer now hires his land under the impression that the ports will remain closed until the price of wheat rises to 80s. per quarter; and under the influence of this, he makes his contract with his landlord. However, for some years past a bill has been introduced at the close of almost every session, permitting the sale of bonded corn; the effect of which is, to admit annually into the English market at least 500,000 quarters of foreign wheat. The corn thus released from bond is instantly replaced by a new importation, which, in its turn, is sent into the market by a subsequent temporary act of the legislature. Such a system of shifts and expedients is unworthy of an enlightened legislature; and it is also highly injurious to the occupying farmer, as the loss arising from the reduction of price caused by this foreign supply falls exclusively upon him. The landowner exacts the rent which was agreed upon, on the supposition that the ports should remain closed until English wheat should sell for 80s. per quarter; and he actually derives an advantage as a consumer from this circumstance; he does not reduce the amount of rent exacted from the tenant; but having exacted a rent calculated upon a high price of corn, he comes into the market to buy his bread, his beef, his oats, and his other articles of consumption, on the scale of prices to which they have been reduced by foreign competition. Whatever advantage the consumers of corn may derive from this temporary supply, it is derived at the expense of the actual occupiers of the land. It, therefore, concerns this class above any other, that some permanent and invariable system should be adopted in regulating the importation of foreign corn. It ought either to be excluded altogether until the price in the homemarket reached a fixed amount, or admitted upon some invariable plan, which would enable the British grower to know what he is about, and to form his plans and calculations under the protection of some certain and steady policy. He is now totally ignorant what laws may pass from one year to another, which may produce the most important alteration in the value of his property; he is not only exposed to the variableness of the seasons, from which

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