Maine. In my opinion, Gentlemen, there can be no reaction which can reconcile the people of this Country to the policy at present pursued.

There must, in my opinion, be a change. If the Administration will not change its course, it must be changed itself. But I repeat, that the decision now lies with the People; and in that decision, when it shall be fairly pronounced, I shall cheerfully acquiesce. We ought to address ourselves, on this great and vital question, to the whole People, to the candid and intelligent of all parties. We should exhibit its magnitude; its essential consequence to the Constitution; and its infinite superiority to all ordinary strifes of party. We may well and truly say, that it is a new question; that the great mass of the People, of any party, is not committed on it; and it is our duty to invoke all true patriots, all who wish for the wellbeing of the Government and the Country, to resist these Experiments upon the Constitution, and this wild and strange departure from our hitherto approved and successful policy.

At the same time, Gentlemen, while we thus invoke aid from all quarters, we must not suffer ourselves to be deceived. We must yield to no expedients, to no schemes and projects, unknown to the Constitution, and alien to our own history and our habits. We are to be saved, if saved at all, in the Constitution, not out of it. None can aid us, none can aid the Country, by any thing in the nature of mere political project, or any devices supply the place of regular Constitutional administration. Any man who, in the present crisis of affairs, shall set up his own ingenuity, or follow his own whim and caprice, instead of looking to the Constitution itself, for relief and safety, will exhibit the foolhardiness of the person, exhibited in one of the old Mysteries which undertook to represent the flood, who had ascended to the top of the highest eminence he could reach, and when, even there, the swelling waters had reached to his chin, told Noah to get along with his old craft, for he did not think there would be much of a storm, after all.

It was to prevent, or to remedy, such a state of things as now exists, that the Constitution was formed and adopted. The time when there is a disordered currency, and a distracted commerce, is the very time when its agency is required; and I hope those who wish for a restoration of general prosperity, will look steadily to the light which the Constitution sheds on the path of duty.

As to you and me, Fellow-Citizens, our course is not doubtful. However others may decide, we hold on to the Constitution, and to all its powers, as they have been authentically expounded, and practically and successfully experienced, for a long period. Our interests, our habits, our affections, all bind us to the principles of our Union as our leading and guiding star.

Gentlemen, I cannot resume my seat without expressing, again,

my sense of gratitude for your generous appreciation of my services. I have the pleasure to know that this occasion originated with the Boston Mechanics, a body always distinguished, always honored, always patriotic, from the first dawn of the Revolution to the present time. Who is here, whose father has not told him—there are some here old enough to know it themselves that they were Boston Mechanics whose blood reddened State Street, on the memorable fifth of March. And as the tendencies of the Revolution went forward, and times grew more and more critical, it was the Boston Mechanics who composed, to a great extent, the crowds which frequented the Old Whig Head Quarters in Union Street, assembled, as occasion required Patriots to come together, in the Old South, or filled to suffocation this Immortal Cradle of American Liberty.

When Independence was achieved, their course was alike intelligent, wise, and patriotic. They saw, as quick and as fully as any men in the Country, the infirmities of the Old Confederation, and discerned the means by which they might be remedied. From the first, they were ardent and zealous friends of the present Constitution. They saw the necessity of united councils, and common regulations, for all the States, in matters of trade and commerce. They saw, what indeed is obvious enough, that their interest was completely involved with that of the Mercantile class, and other classes; and that nothing but one general, uniform system of commerce, trade, and imports, could possibly give to the business and industry of the Country vigor and prosperity. When the Convention for acting on the Constitution sat in this city, and the result of its deliberations was doubtful, the Mechanics assembled at the Green Dragon, and passed the most firm and spirited Resolutions in favor of the Constitution; and when these Resolutions were presented to the Boston Delegation, by a Committee of which Colonel Revere was Chairman, they were asked by one of the members, how many Mechanics were at the meeting; to which Colonel Revere answered, "More than there are stars in heaven." With Statesman-like sagacity, they foresaw the advantages of a United Government. They celebrated, therefore, the adoption of the Constitution, by rejoicings and festivals, such, perhaps, as have not since been witnessed. Emblematic representations, long processions of all the trades, and whatever else might contribute to the joyous demonstration of gratified patriotism, distinguished the occasion. Gentlemen, I can say with great truth, that an occasion intended to manifest respect to me, could have originated no where with more satisfaction to myself than with the Mechanics of Boston.

I am bound to make my acknowledgments to other classes of citizens who assemble here to join with the Mechanics in the

purpose of this meeting. I see with pleasure the successors and followers of the Mathers, of Clarke, and of Cooper; and I am gratified, also, by the presence of those of my own profession in whose immediate presence and society so great a portion of my life has been passed. It is natural that I should value highly this proof of their regard. We have walked the same paths, we have listened to the same oracles, we have been guided, together, by the lights of Dana, and Parsons, and Sewall, and Parker, not to mention living names, not unknown or unhonored, either at home or abroad. As I honor the Profession, so I honor and respect its worthy members, as defenders of truth, as supporters of law and liberty, as men who ever act on steady principles of honor and justice, and from whom no one, with a right cause, is turned away, though he may come clothed in rags.

Mingling in this vast assembly, I perceive, Gentlemen, many citizens, who bear an appellation which is honored, and which deserves to be honored, wherever a spirit of enlightened liberality, humanity, and charity, finds regard and approbation among men - I mean the appellation of Boston Merchants. In a succession of generations, they have contributed, uniformly, to great objects of public interest and advantage. They have founded institutions of Learning, of Piety, and of Charity. They have explored the field of human misfortune and calamity; they have sought out the causes of vice, and want, and ignorance, and have sought them only that they might be removed and extirpated. They have poured out their wealth, the acquisition of their industry and honorable enterprise, like water, that that might relieve the necessities of poverty, administer comfort to the wretched, soothe the ravings of distressed insanity, open the eyes of the blind, unstop the ears of the deaf, and shed the light of knowledge, and the reforming influences of religion, where ignorance and crime have abounded. How am I to commend, not only single acts of benevolence, but whole lives of benevolence, such as this? May He reward them may that Almighty Being reward them, in whose irreversible judgment, in that day which is to come, the merit even of the widow's mite shall outweigh the advantages of all the pomp and grandeur of the world!

Gentlemen, Citizens of Boston, I have been in the midst of you for twenty years. It is nearly sixteen years, since, quite unexpectedly to myself, you saw fit to require public service at my hands, and to place me in the National Legislature. If, in that long period, you have found, in my public conduct, something to be approved, and more to be forgiven than to be reprehended, and if we meet here, to-day, better friends for so many years of acquaintance and mutual confidence, I may well esteem myself happy in the enjoyment of a high reward.

FF

I offer you, again, Fellow-Citizens, my grateful acknowledgments, and all my sincere and cordial good wishes; and I propose to you —

"THE CITY OF BOSTON: MAY IT CONTINUE TO BE THE HEAD QUARTERS OF GOOD PRINCIPLES, TILL THE BLOOD OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTS SHALL HAVE RUN THROUGH A THOUSAND GENERATIONS!"

REMARKS

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, ON THE BILL TO GRADUATE THE PRICE OF THE PUBLIC LANDS, JANUARY 14, 1839.

On the 14th of January, on the question of postponing the bill indefinitely, moved by Mr. RIVES―

MR. WEBSTER rose, and said, that he had hardly time to look at the bill before he was called on to vote on the question of its indefinite postponement. He should, however, take the occasion to say a few words, principally because it was known, on some of the subjects connected with the public lands, he had the misfortune to differ from those with whom he generally acted. He well recollected that his attention was earnestly called to this subject by Mr. Madison, at the close of his administration, who remarked that the Northern and Atlantic members of Congress had been quite too inattentive to it—that it was a great interest. And it might show how much even Mr. Madison underrated this interest, when he (Mr. Webster) stated that Mr. Madison's remark was, that he had no doubt, under a proper administration, the public lands would yield annually a million and a half of dollars.

Mr. W. said the earliest occasion for his taking a part in the deliberations of Congress on the public lands was the first session he took his seat in the Senate. A graduation bill was then before Congress, and the whole subject was much discussed. He, at that time, heard doctrines and sentiments advanced which struck him very strangely. He recollected an able and elaborate argument by a member from Indiana, designed to prove that all the new lands in any new State became the property of that State by the mere fact of her admission into the Union. He heard a speech in favor of the same sentiment, from a member from Alabama, so distinguished for legal and constitutional attainment, as since to have been made a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. These doctrines and opinions he had certainly opposed with the utmost of his power, as having no foundation in constitutional law, and as subversive of all justice and equity to the States. They did not obtain much favor with the country, and, after a while, appear to have been abandoned. But, then, another proposition had subsequently arisen in another quarter, in his opinion equally objectionable, which