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238
abandoned by all mankind, the again
urged her plea to my perfon. She
chofe for her follicitor Mr. March, a
relation of her own, and one with
whom I had formerly lived in the
highest degree of friendship. He
dwelt much on my present difagree-
able circumstances, and on the éclat
with which I might emerge from po-
verty by the enjoyment of her for-
tune: befides, it was what I owed to
justice.

Attachment of the Stuarts to France.

I acknowledged the fplendor of the temptation; but ftill I could not prevail on myfelf to fubmit to receive fo great an obligation. Whatever Ame

May

lia might have once a right to demand of me in point of juftice, the attempt fhe had made on my life mu be deemed fufficient to have cancelled that claim. I had conceived fome hopes from the last letter the honoured me with, that there had been a total period to follicitation or correfpondence. The chief effect this message had on me was to haften my depar ture; and being permitted, through the interceffion of Mr. Sherwood, to take leave of my relations, I left the kingdom in fome degree reconciled to them.

(To be concluded in our next.)

New and curious Hiftorical Anecdotes,

CONCLUDED.

(From Vol. II. of Sir JOHN DALRYMPLE's Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, lately published.)

Agociation
MONG the many treaties in ne-
gociation between England and
France in the reign of Charles II.
there was one pofterior to that of
which we gave fome account in our
aft, the purport of which was, that
Charles fhould affemble no parliament
for three years, that neither party
fhould enter into treaties prejudicial
to the other, and that Charles fhould
have a penfion from France. The nego-
ciation of this treaty was committed
to the Duchefs of Portsmouth and
Lord Sunderland.

In the course of this treaty the following expreffions relative to it were made ufe of by the King, Lord Sunderland, the Duchefs of Portsmouth, and the Duke of York, feparately. They are recorded in the dispatches of Barillon, the French ambassador.

Charles's words were, (fays Barillon, writing to his mafter) "That your majefty might remain in the most glorious flate that any king has been in for many ages, and put it out of the power of England ever to hurt you. Alo, "He repeated afterwards all that he had fo often faid to me, of the advantages which your majesty might derive from having England always dependent on you."

"

Lord Sunderland "enlarged very much upon the advantages which your

majefty might reap from having the king of England dependent on you."

The Duchess of Portsmouth said, "If your majesty will give four millions a year, for three years, the king of England will enter into all the en gagements your majefty can defire."

The Duke of York faid, "That be hoped your majefty would confider, that his religion, and his attachment to France, are the fources of the oppofition he meets with in England."

"I know (continues Barillon) by all that has been faid to me, that if the fum was agreed upon, there would be no difficulty about the rest that is to fay, they would give your majefty a carte blanche upon every thing you could defire; and they would enter into all forts of engagements not to make any treaty with foreign princes without your confent, and even oblige themselves to enter into all your interefts, and to favour all your defigns."

Barillon to Louis XIV. Nev.4, 1680.

"I KNOW that there is a fecret condition agreed on, and which makes the foundation of all the present conduct of both parties (Charles and the parliament); to wit, that the parlia ment thall give the king of Great Bri

1773. Specimens of Royal Humour, and Corruption.

tain power to name for his fucceffor whom he pleases, as was practifed in the time of Henry VIII. The Duke of Monmouth flatters himself with being named; I don't doubt but Lady Portsmouth and Lord Sunderland have given him hopes of it. Lady Portfmouth has alfo pretentions for her fon. What I write to your majefty will appear very extraordinary, but England has no refemblance to other Countries."

THE following letter and extract point out Charles's very great regard for the Dutch, as well as that homely elegance of expreffion and blunt humour for which he was remarkable. Charles the Second to his Sifter, the

Duchefs of Orleans.

Whitehall, Feb. 27, 1669. "I am forry. that my Lord Hollis has asked juftice upon a point of honour that I fhould never have thought of. You know the old faying in England, The more a t is stirred, the more it ftinks; and I do not care a t--- for any thing a Dutchman fays of me, and fo I think you have enough upon this dirty fubject, which nothing bat a ftinking Dutchman could have been the cause of: but pray thank the king my brother, and defire him not to take any notice of it; for fuch idle difcourfes are not worth his anger nor mine. I have been all this day at Hampton-court, and it is fo long fince I have been on horfeback, as with this fmall day's journey I am weary enough to beg your pardon, if I fay no more now but that I am your's."

From the fame to the fame. "I am very glad to hear that your indifpofition of health is turned into a great belly. I hope you will have better luck with it than the Ducheffe here had, who was brought to bed Monday last of a girle. One part I fhall with you to have, which is, that you may have as easy a labour, for the difpatched her bufinefs in little more than an hour. I am afraid your shape is not so advantageously made for that convenience as her's is: however, a boy will recompence two grunts more, and fo good night for

239

feare I fhould fall into natural philo fophy before I think of it."

THE following ftroke of Charles the Second's character is taken from the MS notes of the Earl of Dartmouth upon Bishop Burnet's hiftory. "I was told by one that was very converfant with him, that he had a conftant maxim, never to fall out with any body, let the provocation be never fo great which, he said, he had found great benefit from all his life. And the reafon he gave for it was, that he did not know how foon it might be neceffary to have them again for his best friends."

IN Barillon's dispatches to his mafter, dated Feb. 1685, we find that an unexpected remittance of 500,000 livres was made to King James from France, which that monarch received with the most exceffive transports of gratitude." This prince (fays Barillon) was extremely furprifed, and faid with tears in his eyes It is the 'part of the king your master alone to

act in a manner fo noble, and fo full ⚫ of goodness to me. I own to you, that I feel more fenfibly what he has done in this, than any thing that may happen to me in the course of my life; for I plainly fee the bottom of his heart, and how defirous he is that my affairs may profper. He has even outrun what I could

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poffibly with, and has prevented my 'wants. I can never enough acknowledge fuch a proceeding. Inform him of my gratitude, and be my ' pledge for the attachment I thall

ever have to him.'- James added, that he had been brought up in France, and eat of your majesty's bread, and that his heart was French."

MONMOUTH's rebellion was no fooner begun than Barillon, in his letter of June 25, 1685, informed his court of the ufe James was to make of it. He fays, "It feems to me that the king of England is very glad to have a pretence for raifing troops, and he believes that the Duke of Monmouth's enterprise will ferve to make him ftill more mafter of his country."

The king of France.

240 Anecdotes relative to James; the Revolution, &c. May

On the 30th of July, 1685, Barillon writes thus to his court: "The king of England's fcheme is to abolish the militia entirely, the ufeleffnefs and danger of which he found on this laft occafion, and if poffible to make the parliament apply the fund intended for the militia, to maintain the regular troops. All this entirely changes the state of this country, and puts the English in a different condition from what they have been in till now. They know it, and perceive very well, that a king of a different religion from that of the country, and who is armed, will not easily renounce thofe advantages which the defeat of the rebels, and the troops he has on foot, give him."

ON the 29th of Oct. 1685, Barillon writes to his court thus: "He (James) added, that his defign was to make the parliament revoke the Teft act, and the Habeas Corpus act; one of which was the deftruction of the Catholic religion, and the other of the royal authority."

On Dec. 10, 1685, Barillon reprefents the fentiments of both Charles and James upon the Habeas Corpus act, that great charter of English liberty. He fays, "The deceafed king of England, and the present one, have often faid to me that a government could not fubfift with fuch a law."

THE common vindication of the intrigues of King James's fubjects against him is, that the Revolution was a measure of expediency in the then state of things. But there are facts in Barillon's dispatches fufficient to juftify it as a matter of abfolute neceffity. An English reader may not be surprised to hear, that King James had refolved to make void the act of fettlement in Ireland, in order to have it in his power to make ufe of Irish catholics for the establishment of his authority in England; but he will be astonished to learn a fact hitherto unknown and unfufpected, that towards the end of the reign of King James there were in England three popish regiments regularly paid by France.

BARILLON, in his difpatches of July 1, 1686, relates, that the Scotch,

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LORD Dartmouth's notes on Bishop Burnet's hiftory contain the following anecdote relative to the time in queftion.

"There was a great meeting at the Earl of Devonshire's, where the dif pute ran very high between Lord Halifax and Lord Danby; one for the Prince (of Orange), the other for the Princefs only. At laft Lord Halifax said, he thought it would be very proper to know the prince's own fentiments, and defired Fagel (the prince's confidant) would fpeak, who defended himself a great while, by saying he knew nothing of the prince's mind upon that fubject; but if they would know his own, he believed the prince would not like to be his wife's gentlemanuber. Upon which Lord Danby faid, he hoped they all knew enough now; for his part, he knew too much and broke up the affembly."

BARILLON's dispatches, after the Prince of Orange's landing, contain the following anecdotes.

His letter of Dec. 1, 1688, relates that Lord Melfort had preffed James to feize all the principal perfons of the Whig party, as foon as the Prince of Orange had landed.

In his letters of Dec. 11 and 27, he fays, that James had ordered Jefferies to refide in the palace, in order that the great feal might be at hand to be carried off; and that James believed the lofs of the great feal could not be repaired, and that the conftitution muft fall loose by his disappearance.

Letter of 24th December relates, that when King James was discovered

by

1773. Ancedotes of 2. Mary, K. James, and K. William. 241

by the fishermen in his firft flight, one of them knelt and wept; that upon this James wept, and the other fishermen who had behaved ill to him before, at the fight of his tears fell upon their knees; and that at Feverfham the common people behaved to him with far more refpect than those of better condition; for which Barillon affigns this reafon, that these laft were afraid of the Prince of Orange.

AFTER the fuccefs of the Prince of Orange in England was confirmed, King James wrote a letter to his daughter, (Queen Mary, late Princefs of Orange)" that he had hitherto been willing to make excufes for what had been done, and thought her obedience to her husband, and compliance with the nation, might have prevailed; but that her being crowned was in her own power; and if the did it, while he and the Prince of Wales were living, the curfes of an angry father would fall on her, as well as of a God who commanded obedience to pa

rents."

KING William, before he went abroad, told the Duke of Leeds, that he must be very cautious of faying any thing before the queen that looked like a difrespect to her father, which the never forgave any body; and the Marquis of Halifax in particular had loft all manner of credit with her for fome unfeasonable jefts he had made upon this fubject: that he, the duke, might depend upon what the said to him to be strictly true, though the would not always tell the whole truth; and that he must not take it for granted that he was of his opinion every time he did not think fit to contradict him.

The Earl of Nottingham, who was very much in Queen Mary's confidence, faid, he was very fure, if the had outlived her husband, the would have done her utmost to have restored her father; but under fuch reftrictions as fhould have prevented his ever making any attempts upon the religion or liberties of his country.

THE following fpeech of King James, at St. Germains, to the Scotch May, 1773.

officers when reduced into a company of centinels, is a ftrong inftance how a mind, naturally fevere and weak, may be humanized, and even elevated by misfortunes.

King JAMES's Speech.

"My own misfortunes are not fo nigh my heart as your's. It grieves me beyond what I can exprefs, to fee fo many brave and worthy gentlemen, who had once the profpect of being the chief officers in my army, reduced to the ftations of private centinels. Nothing but your loyalty, and of a few of my fubjects in Britain, who are forced from their allegiance by the Prince of Orange, and who I know will be ready on all occafions to serve me and my diftreffed family, could make me willing to live. The fenfe of what all of you have done, and undergone for your loyalty, hath made fo deep an impreffion in my heart, that if ever it please God to restore me, it is impoffible I can be forgetful of your fervices and fufferings: neither can there be any posts in the armies of my dominions but what you have juft pretenfions to. As for my fon, and your prince, he is your own blood, a child capable of any impreffions; and as his education will be from you, it is not supposable he will forget your merits.

"At your own defire, you are now going a long march, far diftant from me. I have taken care to provide you with money, fhoes, stockings, and other neceflaries. Fear God and love one another. Write your wants particularly to me, and depend upon it always to find me your parent and king."

THE author of the Memoirs concludes them with a deferved panegyric on his favourite hero.

"One quits, fays he, the character of King William with reluctance. There was a fimplicity, an elevation, and an utility in all the actions of his life. The laft treaty which he figned was the grand alliance; the last act of parliament that he paffed was one which compleated the fecurity of the Hanover fucceffion; and the laft meffage which he fent to parliament, while he was in a manner expiring, was to recomKk

mend

242 Character of K. William.-Of Signora Gabrieli.

mend an union between two parts of the ifland, which too long had been divided. To him mankind owe the fingular spectacle of a monarchy, in which the monarch derives a degree of greatnefs and fecurity from the freedom of his people, which treasures and arms cannot bestow upon other princes; and that, at a time when a military government is extending its ftrides over every other part of Europe, there is ftill one country left, in which it is worth the while of a man to wish to live.*

"It was the hard fate of King William, that to fave liberty, religion, Holland, England, and all Europe, except France, he was obliged to injure the relations of nature. Could his heart have been looked into, perhaps it might have been found that he felt the cruelty of this neceffity much more than those who complain of him for not refifting it. I have feen an original letter from Lord Portland to King William, after the peace of Ryfwick, in which he informs him, that according to his orders he had offered a penfion of 50,000l. a year to King

May

James; and this was at a time when it was far from being as certain as it is now, that the prince had not employed affaffins to murder him.

"King William received much bad ufage from the nation he had faved. He bore it all, fteady to the great general good, unfeeling only to the injuries done to himself. But it is dangerous to prefs too hard upon a virtuous prince, because then his very virtues become dreadful. A wellvouched tradition reports, that once, though only once, King William loft his temper in government. After the peace of Ryfwick, he fent a message to the Houfe of Commons, requesting as a perfonal favour to himself, that his regiment of Dutch guards, the companions of all his dangers and glories, fhould not be obliged to leave him. The commons refufed his defire. When the account of it was brought him, he walked for fome time filent through the apartment, with his eyes fixed on the ground, then stopped, threw them around him with wildness, and faid, "If I had a fon, by God these guards fhould not quit me.”

In the course of two years we have seen the conftitutions of France, Saveden, and Poland overturned, and reduced to military governments: Perhaps the greateft ftrokes that were ever given to human nature in so small a space of time.

ANECDOTES OF GABRIELI,
The firft WOMAN SINGER of the SICILIAN OPERA.

From Brydone's Tour through Sicily and Malta, júfi published.

HE performance of Gabrieli is fo Tgenerally known and admired,

that it is almoft needlefs to fay any thing to you on that fubject. Her wonderful execution and volubility of voice have long been the admiration of Italy, and has even obliged them to invent a new term to exprefs it; and would the exert herself as much to please as to aftonish, the might almoft perform the wonders that have been afcribed to Orpheus and Timotheus; but it happens, luckily perhaps for the repofe of mankind, that her caprice is, if poffible, even greater than her talents, and has made her ftill more contemptible than these have made her celebrated. By this means, her character has often proved a fufficient antidote both to the charms

of her voice and thofe of her perfon,

which are indeed almost equally pow

erful; but if thefe had been united to the qualities of a modeft and an amiable mind, the muft have made dreadful havock in the world. However, with all her faults, he is certainly the most dangerous fyren of modern times, and has made mere conquefts, I fuppofe, than any one woman breathing.

It is but juftice to add, that, contrary to the generality of her profeffion, the is by no means felfish or mercenary; but, on the contrary, has given many fingular proofs of generofity and difinterestedness. She is very rich; from the bounty, as is fuppofed, of the laft emperor, who was fond of having her at Vienna;

but

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