SUMMARY OF THE LATEST INTELLIGENCE CONNECTED WITH THE EASTERN WOrld.

THE latest papers that have reached England from India extend to the end of January from Bombay, and to the middle of February from Madras and Bengal. From each of these we have made such selections as appeared to us of greatest interest; though it must be confessed, that from the paucity of events, and the general dullness that now more than ever characterizes the Journals of the East, it is a matter of some difficulty to obtain, even from a pretty extensive series of their numbers, matter of sufficient interest and importance to fill a few pages in such a manner as shall render them worthy the attention of English readers. The best are unquestionably the papers of Bengal; and we observe, that since the last advices from thence, which were given in our Number for June, two new Journals have been started in Calcutta: one by the Rev. Mr. Adam, the Unitarian Missionary, who had left the 'Bengal Chronicle,' to the editorship of which he had succeeded after the removal of Mr. Sutherland; and the other, by a second brother-in-law of the notorious Dr. Bryce, in the shape of a Sunday Edition of the Daily John Bull,' but under the new name of the Oriental Observer,' professing to embrace subjects of theology and morals, as well as miscellaneous news. The first number of this new paper was issued on the 18th of February, the date of the copy that has reached us. We begin, however, with the 'Bengal Chronicle' of January, 1827, and pass on to those of Madras and Bombay, extracting from each the most interesting portions of their pages, in the successive orders of their dates:

EAST INDIA JURY BILL.

In our last we presented our readers with the remarks and reflections of a Hindoo of Bengal, on the Madras proceedings in relation to the East India Jury Bill, giving quite a different view from that which has been hitherto entertained of the probable motives of the Natives at that Presidency for adopting the course they have pursued. The writer considers that they are in fact hostile to the Bill, but that they have not had sufficient public spirit to make their real objections known, and that they have merely adopted those suggested to them by certain Europeans at Madras, in order to get rid of the Bill, which they dislike for very different reasons, viz. for its illiberal spirit, and for the insulting and degrading exceptions, on the ground of religion, which it contains. That these exceptions are felt by the Natives of Bengal as insulting and degrading-as contrary to the spirit of English law, and to the principles of abstract justice,-we know, not only from personal communications on the subject which

we have had with Natives of the first respectability and intelligence in Calcutta, and from the remarks, the production of a Native pen, to which we gave insertion in Sunday's paper, but also from an article which we have this day extracted and translated from the 'Sumbad Cowmudee.' This Native paper, we may remark in passing, is conducted on the most independent principles, it being, in fact, the only one edited by a Hindoo that has had the courage to avow its rejection of the popular idolatry, and to oppose the most revolting and injurious practices, current amongst the Natives, such as the burning of widows, the prejudices of caste, &c. This is probably one cause of its limited circulation among the Native population; but we need not add, that it forms a strong claim on the patronage of all those who are desirous of seeing pure religion and sound knowledge spread in this country. The article to which we have referred contains a brief but clear and perspicuous analysis of the spirit and. principles of Mr. Wynn's Bill, against some of the provisions of which it strongly and justly protests, on the grounds we have already mentioned. It also gives us the first intimation we have received, of an appeal having already actually been prepared and sent to England against the objectionable parts of the Bill. This not only proves the existence of the feeling to which we have already referred, but also shows that it has been in silent but useful operation when we least expected it, The prompt adoption of this legitimate mode of obtaining redress for a supposed grievance, originating not with the local authorities but with Parliament at home, must, we believe, be as gratifying to the Government here, as we are satisfied it will be to the public in general.-Bengal Chronicle.

OPINIONS OF A NATIVE INDIAN ON THE JURY BILL.

We will briefly state the purport of the 'observations which appeared in the 'Bengal Chronicle' of the 5th December, on the subject of the late Act of Parliament, respecting the admission of all classes of Natives to sit upon juries.

1. All classes of Natives, namely, Hindoos, Musulmans, Christians, &c. will have the privilege of being chosen jurors, to judge in cases of murder, theft, and such other criminal suits; but it is left to the Judges of the Supreme Court to determine and make regulations respecting the qualifications of such persons as to their knowledge of the English language, and judgment in secular affairs; that is, the Judges will permit those only to act as jurors whom they shall think qualified for the task.

2. The Grand Jury is to be composed exclusively of Christians.

3. All classes, indiscriminately, will be eligible to the Petit Jury, which has the power of determining whether a person is guilty or not guilty; with this exception, that when either of the parties is a Christian, all the twelve persons of the jury shall be no other but Christians; on the contrary, when either of the parties is a Hindoo,

or Musulman, or of any other class, Christians shall have the privilege of judging; that is, all the twelve persons, or any number of the jury, may be Christians.

The consequence of this new Act passed in England is, that in matters where a man's life is at stake, or where banishment, imprisonment, and such other severe punishments are awarded, we Hindoos and Musulmans must submit to the verdict of Christians, whether they be the natives of Britain, or the offspring of British fathers by Indian mothers, whether they be the common Portuguese or Armenians, or the Rice Christians of Serampore. These persons shall have the privilege of judging in cases where our lives are concerned whereas we, although living in the same country, or even in the same hamlet with them, and partaking in their virtues and vices, shall have no power of judging respecting them. In like manner, our descendants must also submit their lives to the decision of the sons of Christians.

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Missionaries and clergymen have spent more than thirty years in disseminating their faith in different sorts of books, and by various other means, without being able to make a single true and sincere convert to Christianity; but now the way is opened, and many persons, no longer able patiently to bear the reproach brought upon them by this Parliamentary Act, will haste to take shelter under the Christian faith. When the rulers of a country use force or art to win over their subjects to their own faith from that of their ancestors, who shall have the power to oppose?

It would have been consonant to reason, virtue, and equity, if it had been ordered by this act, that as a Christian shall have the privilege of being tried by a jury composed of Christians only, in like manner, a Hindoo or a Musulman shall be tried by a jury consisting exclusively of persons of his faith; or that as Christians shall have the privilege of sitting with Hindoos and Musulmans on the trial of a Hindoo or Musulman, so Hindoos and Musulmans shall have the privilege equally with Christians of sitting on the trial of a Christian. But instead of this, the order of the Parliamentary Act has laid all Hindoos as well as Musulmans, without any regard to rank or respectability, prostrate at the feet of Christians, whether of this or of any other place. On this subject a memorial has been presented now nearly a month past to the proper authorities in England, by a person amongst us who is waiting in anxious expectation to hear the result.-Sumbad Cowmoody, Dec. 30, 1826.

ORIENTAL LITERARY SOCIETY.

The third Half Yearly Report of the Oriental Literary Society, read at a General Meeting held on the 26th November last, has been handed to us; and we now proceed to call the attention of our readers to it, in conformity with the rule which we have prescribed to ourselves of recording the proceedings of all such Institutions.

The Report begins with lamenting the restricted sphere of the

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Society's usefulness, which has been extended only by a trifling accession of members during the last six months, and proceeds to express regret for the inability that exists to compass certain measures which appear to have been long meditated. We should think that a fuller, a more public, and a more frequent exposition of them, would secure that degree of support to which they may be entitled. It is true that the rules which are appended to the Report declaré, that the primary object of this Society is, to diffuse a spirit of literary enterprize among the East Indian Community of Calcutta;' but this is an object of so general a nature, it includes so many particulars, and may be promoted by such a variety of means, that it really conveys little, if any, information. It is added, indeed, in a subsequent Rule, that its constitution partakes both of the nature of a Debating Club and a Literary Society;' but we conclude, from an expression used in the body of the Report, that there is a disposition to sink the former of these characters, and we are left to conjecture, from the designation of the Society, that the latter is the one which is considered most becoming and appropriate. The Society is called the Oriental Literary Society, and, in the Report, a strong desire is expressed 'to raise the claims of the Society beyond those of a private debating club.' Yet the business of a debating club seems to form the chief, if not the entire, amount of what has been done; and a strong claim on public patronage is advanced, on the ground that it is the only institution in the metropolis of British India in which the habit of public speaking is regularly practised.' Now, we do not deny that the prosecution of the objects of a Literary Society and of a Debating Club may not, in some cases, be advantageously combined; but we are inclined to think that the East Indian community of Calcutta are not in a condition to prosecute both advantageously, and that the prosecution of the objects of a Debating Club is not at all called for by the present state of society and government in British India. The habit of public speaking,' and the 'persuasive charm of oratory,' are chiefly valuable acquirements under a free government and popular institutions; and, as far as we can perceive or judge, can be applied to no one useful purpose, under the existing government of this country, which does not allow the voice of the people to be heard, or their influence to be felt directly, in the formation even of the most insignificant police and municipal regulations. When the time shall arrive for the enjoyment of free civil, and political institutions-and every true friend o England, of India, and of the human race, should seek to hasten its arrival-when the subjects of discussion shall come home to the business and bosoms of the community, the powers of eloquence and the charms of oratory will develop themselves without any forced cultivation Do we then maintain with some, that the habits of public discussion should be discouraged or repressed, because of their supposed incompatibility with the spirit and genius of existing institutions? Far from it, for there are numerous important objects that may be

accomplished by means of the indirect expression of the public will through the medium of the press. Our argument can be made to extend only to the art of speaking, and even with respect to that we make it a question merely of comparative utility, holding that it is far less important in the present circumstances of the East Indian community, that they should acquire the art of speaking, than that they should acquire something to talk about-that sound and digested knowledge of principles and of facts in nature and science, in history and government, which will enable them, in due time, with credit to themselves, and with advantage to the state, to assert and exercise the rights and duties of freemen. From these remarks, the managers of the society will perceive, that we are of opinion they should altogether relinquish the design of a debating club; and we infer, perhaps erroneously, from a passage already quoted, that there is a disposition to do so. Be this, however, as it may, and whether our suggestion be approved or not, we beg to express our earnest wishes for the improvement of that class whose benefit it more immediately contemplates.-Bengal Chronicle.

JUDGMENT RESPECTING ALIENS IN INDIA.

Supreme Court, Calcutta, December 29, 1826.-Ponchelut versus Stansbury.

In this case Mr. Marnell stated that he was requested, in the absence of the Advocate-General, to address a few words to their Lordships previous to their giving judgment. He considered it one of great importance. Previous to the passing of the Act of Parliament, an alien who had lived seven years in any of the colonies of his Majesty was admitted to the privileges of a natural born subject. The seventh and eighth of William III. were passed to prevent fraud in these colonies, and the thirtieth of George III. was intended to afford facilities to aliens to recover their possessions. In the present case, if it were held that aliens could not inherit landed property, considerable mischief would arise. In General Martin's case, it appeared that there was a declaration on his own part that he was born in Lyons in France, and he yet held considerable property which the heir-at-law could inherit.

Mr. Turton was on the same side, and contended that there was a strong distinction between aliens in England, and those in a country which was held as acquisition from a Native Prince. He did not mean to say that an alien could inherit land in England, but that he could in this country. In England no foreign troops could be raised without an Act of Parliament, but here the Company had power to do so without any such sanction. We had lately acquired an accession of territory, and were the inhabitants of it to be considered aliens or subjects of his Majesty ?

The Chief Justice said the town of Calcutta was situated differently from other places. No law could be made here but by the