time made known that the excepted classes were still within the contemplation of special clemency. During the year many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some, led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted class, and no voluntary application has been denied; thus practically the door has been for a full year open to all, except such as were not in condition to make a free choice; that is, such as were in custody or under restraint. It is still open to all, but the time may come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be closed, and that it be more rigorous than hereto fore.

"In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the insurgent states as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the government, I retract nothing heretofore said. As to slavery I repeat the declaration made a year ago, and add that, while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an execative duty to re-enslave such persons, another, not I, must be their instrument to perform it.

"In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it."

The closing remark of the second paragraph had better been omitted; it shows too much of the politician. Mr. Lincoln knows very well that the people will not ask him or anybody else to re-enslave those who have been liberated. We fear that if he thought they would he would not be so ready to transfer the task to another, but would try to overcome his scruples rather than remove from his present residence. For the rest we hope the rebels may be induced to accept the terms offered. It seems to us that it would be their own interest quite as much as that of the North, to put an end to the horrors of war by simply laying down their arms, especially as there can be little doubt that they will have to do so eventually. Not indeed because they are wanting in courage or bravery; none could have displayed more heroism than they; but their resources in men and money-in all that is essential for carrying on a protracted war, being confessedly so much less than those of the North, they must necessarily become exhausted in time. And none can admit this without also admitting that the sooner they put an end to the war the better. Let us hope, for the sake of North and South alike, that the success of General Sherman, now before Savannah, may be such as to convince the bravest and most desperate that any further resistance to the power of the inexhaustible and resolute North, can only result in disaster and ruin to themselves.

ART. IX.-NOTICES AND CRITICISMS.

HISTORY AND TRAVELS.

"From Dan to Beersheba ;' or, the Land of Promise as it now appears, &c., &c. By Rev. J. P. Newman, D. D. 12mo., pp. 485. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1864.

WE remember the time when none of our publishers were more careful in their selections than the Messrs. Harper; and we hope they will be so again before long. But lately they have given us some very inferior books. That now before us is one of this character. It is true that were we to judge it by the number of cuts it contains, we should give a different estimate of it. Not, indeed, that they are remarkable either for their neatness or their accuracy. In these respects they are no better than the generality of those which appear in the "Journal of Civilization" and the "Monthly ;" and this, we acknowledge, is not speaking very highly in their favor. Yet, if the cuts were the only blemishes, we could easily pass them by, for, except for children, we have not much faith in "pictures" of the class alluded to.

But the letter-press is in worse taste than the illustrations, and staler than the stalest of them. Yet in no similar book, not excepting even Jack the Giant-killer, are we told so many wonderful things. By this we mean no sneer at the facts stated in Scripture; we only allude to the manner in which the author identifies the scenes in which all the most important occurrences related by the inspired writers have taken place; and we think that few will read the book who will not agree with us that except the author pretends to be inspired himself nearly if not quite as much as Moses or Jeremiah, he has undertaken a little too much.

We are told in the preface that the volume before us "is the expansion of a series of letters, published in the Methodist,' during that interesting journey." As the " Methodist," so far as we have seen, is conducted with ability, we must come to the conclusion that the "expansion" constitutes the largest and most "wonderful" part of the book, including many "descriptions" which the editor did not care to publish. At all events, if every injudicious passage had been omitted, or every passage that requires in the reader almost sufficient faith to remove mountains, instead of four hundred and eighty-five pages we should scarcely have fifty. Nor would the latter have given us any more satisfactory account than that of the sacred historians.

Our author has a very easy way of measuring the countries which he undertakes to describe, as for example, "three and a half times larger than New Jersey," "twice as large as Maryland," "of equal extent with South Carolina," &c. (p. 13). Speaking of the present "apparent barrenness" of the Holy Land, our author informs us that "the causes of the

change which has taken place in the lapse of so many centuries, are at once natural and miraculous' (p. 16). This proposition he proceeds at great length to demonstrate in due form, establishing the miraculous part by a text from Jeremiah.*

But the most curious feature of the work is the facility with which the author not only discovers every place of whose identity there is any doubt, but also gives a full and particular account of the event or occurrence from which that place derives its celebrity. Hitherto, for example, we had but a vague idea of the manner in which Samson killed so large a number of the Philistines; but the Rev. Dr. Newman describes the whole affair with a degree of graphicalness and minuteness which leaves nothing to be desired. He also settles the question as to the source of Samson's wonderful strength. "As his strength was not in his muscles," he says, "so it was not in the seven locks of his hair. When asleep, and at ordinary duties, he was as other men, but when the Philistines were to be punished, the spirit of the Lord came upon him" (p. 265). How useful such a man would be at the present day; for he could bring the rebels to terms in a shorter time than all our generals put together. Most people who are not inspired have some difficulty in understanding how the sun stood still on Gibeon, and the moon in the valley of Ajalon; but our author tells us exactly how the whole thing happened. After showing that the prayer of Joshua was not offered up late in the afternoon, he makes the following very philosophical remarks:

to me.

"It was probably not noon when he invoked the lengthening of the day. The sun had not yet passed the meridian of Gibeon, while over the western vale of Ajalon, the faint crescent of an old moon still lingered, just as it appeared Hence, standing between the two cities on the earth, he gave forth his miraculous command with the utmost accuracy, while from the western sea came that fearful hail-storm driving up the valleys below, killing more than had been slain by the sword; and from the eastern border of the otherwise dark storm-cloud was reflected the light of the motionless sun and moon."p. 232.

But the pious skill and true Christian meekness and charity which the author every where assumes, though of course only by implication, are somewhat inconsistent with the language which he applies to some of the natives. It is evident from his own account that, when the latter made any demonstration against our author and his fellow-travellers, they meant little, if anything more, than to frighten them. Yet the terms, "villainous," "ruffian," murderers," &c., &c., are freely applied to them in the sanctimonious work before us. But let us allow Dr. Newman to speak for himself:

"Having seen us from their mountain fastnesses, the robbers rapidly congregated around the old stone tower, where, at the moment, we were reading the inspired story of the place, and recording those reflections suggested by the hour.

iii. 3. 4.

"Such another band of villainous-looking men Nature has scarcely ever suffered to dwell upon the earth. Some were without a nose, others without an eye, while all bore scars of previous fights, and wore a vicious countenance which promised us no good. Each ruffian was armed with a long gun and a missile not unlike an Indian tomahawk. One, more reckless than the rest, began the fray by plundering my saddle-bags; but, seeing with what determination I drew my revolver, he immediately desisted. Wishing, if possible, to avoid another collision, we attempted to cross a corn-field to the hill on which Shiloh's ruins lay scattered, but they seized us and drove us back. Knowing that every moment's delay diminished our chances of escape, we concluded to resume our journey-peaceably if possible, but forcibly if we must. But we had no sooner mounted our horses than the brigands seized the bridles and demanded our money. Another exhibition of our well-conditioned revolvers— which by them is a dreaded weapon-again saved us from their hands, and, putting spurs to our horses, we descended a narrow valley on the south of Shiloh, keeping an eye upon the robbers, who were after us at full speed. But the bottom of the valley soon became so rough that it was impossible to proceed faster than a walk. Having overtaken us, they still clamored for money, and evinced their purpose to renew the attack. At that moment my horse stumbled, throwing me on his head; but, springing back into the saddle, and jerking the reins with all the strength at my command, I saved him from going down. My haversack, however, had fallen off, and one of the ruffians, having picked it up, refused to return it without a reward. Fortunately, the small amount I gave him satisfied him, and to that man I owe my life. Among the plants I had gathered at Shiloh was one of curious structure, which I desired to preserve. Its large bright green leaves were so folded as to resemble an embossed star, but it was a deadly poison. Having dropped it, I called to the Arab to pluck another, but he refused, assuring me in Arabic that it was poisonous." pp. 303-4.

Now, how much Christian charity is there in calling a man a robber, a ruffian, and a villain, who, he admits himself, saved his life? If the party were robbers, they were of a much more harmless kind than Christian robbers generally are. But the Doctor is not done with them ⚫yet.

"We now dismissed the peasant previously employed, giving him the promised sum. This proved our misfortune, as the robbers, becoming exasperated at the favor shown their neighbor, came upon us with renewed fierceness in a solitary mountain pass. They had the advantage in numbers, and a base indifference to human life. Sixteen against four gave us but little hope of successful resistance; but, unwilling to yield even against such odds, we determined to resist to the last. Rushing upon us with the utmost fury, they seized our bridles, and raising their tomahawks over our heads, demanded our money or our lives. Refusing to give the former, we resolved to protect the latter. Having never seen the counte nance of a bandit in the act of violence, I shall never forget the expression of the ruffian who assailed me. His face was livid with rage, and his solitary eye blazed with murderous intent as he grasped the bridle firmly with one hand, and with the other raised the weapon of death over me. Undaunted either by his rage or threats, I held a parley with him for several minutes, he demanding, and I, in turn, refusing. Trying the power of religious fear, I pointed him to heaven, and repeated the sacred name of Allah,' but he smiled like a demon and fiercely replied, Give me your money!'

"Our firmness would have saved us from violence had not a member of our party, in an unguarded moment, struck one of the brigands with a riding whip, which precipitated the assault, and it was now baksheesh or death. Aware that by this act we had become the aggressors, we concluded to give each a few piastres. Happily for myself, I had not a piastre in change, but, borrowing half a one (two cents) from a companion, I gave it to the villain, whose fury had been cooled by firm looks, strong words, a Damascus blade, and a good revolver.

"Grouping together, they counted the spoils, but, finding the booty less than

they had expected, they attempted another pursuit, but we had eluded their grasp. Dashing down the glen, we reached in safety the small village of Lubban--the Lebonah of the Judges, grateful to divine Providence that, through Arab cowardice and Christian grace, no blood had been shed."-pp. 304-5.

Now does not this show, after all, that our pious travellers were themselves the aggressors? It seems to us that if the Doctor is as valiant as he would have us believe, and as skilful in the use of his revolver and "Damascus blade," he would be much more suitably and usefully occu pied in the army of the Potomac than in hunting up wonders from "Dan to Beersheba," and compiling books like that before us.

Familiar Letters from Europe. By CORNELIUS CONWAY FELTON, late President of Harvard University. 16mo. pp. 362. Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1864.

GENERALLY speaking it is those who promise most on their title-page that give least, and vice versa. The latter is the case in the present instance; we are promised but little, if anything, but we get a good deal that is at once interesting and instructive. The modesty of the title fairly represents that which pervades the whole volume; which thus presents a wholesome contrast to most other works of the kind. None who knew the late President of Harvard need be informed that he was a man of superior learning and culture. He was one of the best Greek scholars in this country; but he did not on this account pretend that he knew that language as well as his vernacular tongue, as some of the worst Greek scholars imagine they ought to do, because they occupy the Greek chair in some college or university. Prof. Felton did not hesitate to tell his friends at home and abroad that his principal object in visiting Greece was to study the Greek language both ancient and modern.

A professor far less acquainted with it would have thought such an acknowledgment derogatory to him. Nor need we go beyond Harvard for an illustration of the fact. We have now before us a somewhat similar volume from a Harvard professor, in which there is a great deal about Italy, but very little to the purpose, its chief characteristics being egotism, arrogance, affectation and bad taste. The difference is this: one goes to learn, the other goes to teach, or imagines he does. The former avails himself of information and instruction wherever he finds it; the latter rarely meets any but ignorant people. All he meets with have defects of some kind, from which he and his friends are entirely exempt. President Felton is in search only of what is useful and interesting, and the results are such as might have been expected from the design. Nor is he the less lively or entertaining for being thus utilitarian, as we shall presently see. In glancing over the pages of "Familiar Letters," the first passage that attracts our attention is one in which the author gives an account of an interview

*Judges, xxi. 19.