Mahrattas were to obtain a tract of somewhat more than half the value of those assigned to the other allies. For the Company's share were allotted the districts of Canara, Coimbatúr, Daraporam and Mujnad, with all the territory lying below the Ghats between their possessions in the Carnatic and those in Malabar. By this addition a valuable portion of land forming an uninterrupted tract between the coast of Coromandel and Malabar was joined to the territories of the Company in the south; which now included the entire sea-coast of the kingdom of Mysore and the base of all the eastern, western and southern Ghats. To these were added the forts and posts forming the heads of all the passes above the ghauts on the Table Land, with the fortress, city and island of Seringapatam. This settlement was provided for by " the treaty of Mysore" between the Company, the Nizam Ali and the Peishwa which was concluded on the 22nd of June 1799.

The grounds on which a portion of Mysore equal to that taken by the Company and given to the Nizam, was refused to the Peishwa are given above. It is evident indeed that he had no claim whatever to any, the smallest portion, in as much as he had contributed nothing to the expense of the war, and had run no risk. The destruction of the power of Tippú was besides to the Peishwa a decided advantage, an advantage in fact of the very utmost importance and value, for by the destruction of that power, a formidable neighbour was destroyed, and the enmity of a man opposed by creed, principle and the force of circumstances to the great Hindú power, removed. If then, under these circumstances, any part of the territory of Mysore were granted to the Mahrattas it must have been solely as a free gift, as a bonus in return for which their gratitude and friendship were due. But was it expedient after granting one favor to press upon them another without some remuneration? Lord Mornington thought not, and therefore for the territory proposed to be ceded he demanded that they should guarantee the inviolability of the new Mysorean kingdom, that they should make the Company arbitor in their disputes with the Nizam, that they should not allow European foreigners to enter their service, and that they should enter into a defensive treaty with the Company against the French, should they invade India. These, Lord Mornington conceived, were trifling concessions compared with the addition to their territory, power and influence, to be gained by the increase of their possessions. He even believed that they would be gladly accepted, but he was deceived, for he was here applying the principles which guide civilized diplomacy to that of a state which was semi-barba

rous. The Peishwa demanded, in the first place, an equal share with the Nizam and the Company, and that too without conditions!* A state in Europe, under similar circumstances, would be considered bereft of reason were it to do so. When the smaller portion was offered, with the conditions annexed, it was indignantly refused, and the territory set apart for this purpose was, in consequence, divided between the Company and the Nizam.

The appointment of a sovereign for the new dependant kingdom of Mysore was a matter of no ordinary importance or delicacy. The four sons of Tippú would of course be the first individuals upon whom the Governor-General's attention would be fixed, as being the candidates for the honor most nearly and intimately connected with its former sovereign. But to the elevation of any one of those to the vacant musnud there were some very serious objections-objections of such weight that Lord Mornington at once decided to supersede these candidates in favor of the ancient royal family of Mysore. The sons of Tippú would have imbibed, it was to be expected, much of the character and disposition of their father. Brought up in the hope of succeeding to the highest rank in the state as independant princes it was not to be supposed that they would look upon the partition of half the empire with any other than hostile eyes. True, the power of the state was crippled and a great proportion of its means of offence removed, but there could be little doubt that when at the head of his nominally independant state, a son of Tippú would but wait the first opportunity to strike a blow at the British for revenge or retribution. The appearance of humility and gratitude an Oriental Prince would not find it difficult to exchange for the menaces of hostility. Had a son of Tippú then been appointed, the British Government must have remained in an attitude of defence and preparation, whilst the French would still have a basis for their operations when a convenient opportunity presented itself for invading India. How different, on the other hand, would be the feelings, principles and predilections of the Government of Mysore if, instead of a son of Tippú, the descendant of the ancient family dethroned by Hyder were placed upon its throne! The one would regard the British as his natural enemies, the other as his truest friends. The one would look

* This circumstance is a curious illustration of the native character politically. It reminds us of an anecdote which illustrates it individually. An European officer at the risk of his life lately saved a coolie who had fallen from a vessel into the Húgly. The first words the rescued man uttered when he returned to consciousness on the deck of the vessel, whilst the officer was standing over him, were "buckshish, sahib !” would any European sailor or porter have done so ?

upon British interference as the bane of his Government, the other as its support. The one would regard each successive Governor-General as the ruler on whose head hung the blood of his forefather and the ruin of his independence, the other as the representative of that power to which he owed his restoration to the throne of his ancestors, and by whose arm his own authority was upheld. Thus, on the one hand, family predilections, pride, self-interest, and passion counselled hostility to the British, on the other, self-interest, gratitude, and fear counselled a love of, and dependance upon, them. When we add to all this that a religious feud of the most deadly nature-that between Mahommedanism and Hinduism-separated the two royal families, and that the former had been for many years triumphant, we shall then be able to form an estimate of the strength of the bond which would unite the descendant of the ancient Mysorean dynasty when elevated to the throne, with the power by which that elevation was effected.

Influenced by considerations similar to these the GovernorGeneral* resolved on the restoration of the heir of the ancient family to the throne, and accordingly, on the 30th June the Rajah of Mysore was formally installed on the musnud, by the commissioners appointed for the settlement of the country, aided by the representative of the Nizam. Whilst the title of sovereign was granted to this prince, however, the real authority was assumed by the British. The military defence and protection of the country were retained by the latter for a subsidy of about £280,000 yearly, whilst the Rajah and his Government were clearly given to understand that the British reserved to themselves the right of interfering in the internal management of the country when they saw fit, as well as of increasing the subsidy in cases of necessity. The sons of Tippú were removed to Vellore; Lieut. Colonel Close was appointed resident at the court of the new Rajah, whose seat of Government was fixed at Mysore, the ancient capital; whilst Col. Arthur Wellesley was appointed commandant at Seringapatam. Thus were concluded the conquest and final settlement of the empire of Tippú. During the period which elapsed between the ment of Lord Mornington's administration and the final settlement of Mysore, other matters of importance, besides those whose progress we have narrated, engaged the attention of the Governor-General. Of these one of the most important was the succession to the throne of Tanjore. In 1786 Tuljají, the ruling Rajah, died, leaving a half brother, Amír Singh,

commence

• See his views on the subject detailed at length in a despatch to the Court of Directors, dated August 1799, vol. 2, page 80.

and an adoptod son, Serbojí, as competitors for the crown. The rival princes appealed to the Madras Government as being the protector of the state, and as the English had no interest in the matter, they resolved to have the question decided by Hindu law; Amir Singh being appointed protector during the minority of his rival, still a child. The question of succession was referred to a council of pundits, learned in Hindu lore, but which the British Government took little care to preserve from corruption. This seems to have been the head and front of its offending in the matter. The consequences were what might have been expected. Amír Singh had the resources of the country in his hands; his rival was a child subject to his authority; and the council, with true oriental sagacity, was speedily convinced that the stronger party was the one on whose side the justice lay.

The administration of Amír Singh, however, gave little satisfaction to his supporters. His cruel treatment of Serbojí, his oppression of his subjects, his reckless profligacy were daily subjects of complaint, and it was at length resolved by the British Government that Serbojí and the widows of the former Rajah should be removed to Madras. Here the claims of the latter to the throne were again brought before the notice of the Supreme Government, and Sir John Shore entered upon their investigation. The opinions of Pundits at Benares and elsewhere were again sought, and with the success which might have been anticipated. If the British Government were not favorable to Serbojí, doubtless these learned orientals argued, they would not again solicit our opinion, and ergo, Serbojí has the best right to the throne. No decision less acute could have been anticipated from the astute doctors of Hindu law. Let us mark the transaction, for it is worthy of note as a development of the native character. Amir and Serbojí are the two competitors, Amír is in power, Serbojí an insignificant infant-the Hindu doctors are asked which has the best right to the throne-they doubtless smile at the useless interrogation, and give numerous reasons of great weight to shew that the wearer of the crown is its rightful possessor. But anon a stronger than Amír steps into the field, takes Serbojí by the hand, and calls upon the learned doctors again to pronounce which of the two has the best right to the throne. How absurd to doubt of the reply! The pundit salaams to the most powerful again, and sets vigorously to work to destroy those arguments which a few years before he assured us were of adamantine strength. Such is oriental probity! Such, the uprightness and consistency of the grave and reverend' expounders of Hindu law!

The elevation of Serbojí to the musnud was the occasion of a new treaty between the British Government and Tanjore. By this treaty the security of Amír Singh was provided, and a revenue of nearly £10,000 per annum assigned to him; the military and civil administration of the country were taken by the British, and an annual revenue of £40,000, secured to Serbojí. "This arrangement," says the apologist of the Honorable Company," was undoubtedly beneficial to the interests of Great Britain; but it is no exaggeration to say that it was far more beneficial to the people of Tanjore. It delivered them from the effects of native oppression and European cupidity. It gave them what they had never before possessed-the security derived from the administration of justice." The treaty by which these important advantages were secured to Tanjore was concluded on the 25th October 1799, and ratified by the Governor-General in Council on the 29th November following.

A revolution somewhat similar was brought about in the city of Surat by causes very different. This city had acquired considerable importance from its extensive commerce, and from its being the port whence the pilgrims to the tomb of the prophet usually sailed to Mecca. A factory had been established there by the British at a very early period, and they had subsequently obtained considerable authority in consequence of having bravely defended the territory from the attack of the founder of the Mahratta empire. A century afterwards the command of the castle and fleet, which had been previously independent of the civil power, was granted to the British, and confirmed by the imperial Court of Delhi of which the Nabob of Surat was a dependant. The subsequent destruction of the Supreme power at Delhi caused the Nabob to assume an independence which, without the aid of the British, he could not maintain. The first ground of difference between the two was the alleged insufficiency of the funds allowed by the Nabob for the military and naval forces, an amount which, however, he was extremely unwilling, and professed himself to be unable, to increase. Remonstrances, and answers to them, passed continually between the two until the death of the reigning Nabob, early in 1799, afforded an opportunity to the Company's Government for authoritatively pressing its claims. It was quite evident indeed that two powers almost independent of each other, a military and a civil one, could not continue to exist in this small territory without the ultimate absorption of the one in the other. The question was whether the British were to resign

* Thornton, vol. III. p. 103.