luctance, for he saw no need of removing one of "the real patriotism, firmness and ability," of Stanton, and even lodged with the President a written protest against it. Had he fully seen, or even suspected, that President Johnson was about to use him, the better to maintain his hostile attitude toward the Senate as a part of the appointing power, he would never have accepted. Not seeing nor suspecting this, but fearful that the place, which was at that time all important, might fall into the hands of some unpatriotic and dangerous manipulator, and further fearful that every plan of reconstruction and restoration would be broken off to the great injury of the South, he took the position, though it intensified the burdens already on his shoulders. Of the difficulties that beset his administration of the office, which he held for five months, of the embarrassments of the political situation, of the increased hostility between the President and Congress, of the development on the part of the President of a policy of reconstruction so selfish and narrow as to greatly discourage the work in hand—of these, as bearing on the political situation, we speak more appropriately in the next chapter.

But as to the strict duties of his office, or rather offices, for he was both Secretary of War and General-in-Chief, he was scarcely seated till the President brought on a clash by removing Sheridan from one of the five military districts into which the South had been divided. This district had New Orleans for its centre. It had grown dissatisfied and turbulent in proportion to the growth of the President's hostility to Congress. Its condition made severe administration necessary, and Sheridan was meeting the emergency with spirit and fairness, as the laws stood. But he was dismissed by Johnson, on August 17th. On that day Grant put on file an eloquent protest, in which he insisted that all military, political, pecuniary and patriotic reasons were against the President's action; that it would be a cruel blow at one who was doing his civil duties

faithfully and intelligently; that the removal would be interpreted by factional Southern elements as an effort to defeat the laws of Congress and would embolden them to renewed opposition to the government. It was all in vain. Sheridan was sacrificed, and ten days after, General Sickles, who was conducting affairs in the Second Military District, composed of the Carolinas, in a way to secure the confidence of all, was similarly slaughtered, in the face of an equally forcible protest by Grant. Then followed the removal of Pope, whose district embraced Georgia and Alabama The President gave no satisfactory reasons for these removals. He seemed to be dealing blind, promiscuous blows, in a spirit of spite, at the Congress and its principle and plan of reconstruction. In that they fell upon Grant's trusted subordinates, interfered with his administration of affairs, tended to anarchy, and worked only injury to those they were designed to please, it can well be seen how trying the situation became to one so anxious to preserve peace as he, and so earnestly desirous of securing to the Southern people every right accorded to them by the laws of the country. Still he bore these unreasonable interferences, these approaches to insult, with his characteristic equanimity, and kept steadily on instructing the new incumbents and co-operating with them in the work of restoration.

Great as was the debt of gratitude which the loyal States owed to General Grant for crushing armed rebellion, all the States, North and South, were now under one equally great for his pre-eminent ability in piloting them through a chaos as dangerous to unity and happiness as war itself. When he entered the war office in August, 1867, the reconstruction acts of the previous July were just going into operation. State conventions were called to frame constitutions, voters were being registered, all the requisite steps for future membership in the Union were being taken. Whether as Secretary of War or General-in-Chief, the demands on him were momentary and

unprecedented, to apply new statutes, solve complicated problems, reconcile disputed jurisdictions, settle conflicts between rival classes and opposite colors, appease bitter factions, insure order, and evoke definite policies. It was a task of wonderful delicacy and to which no man was equal, unless he had the confidence of all, a strictly judicial mind, and was the possessor of powers almost imperia® in their proportions. He must be without fear, firm and kind, broad and patriotic, and must never for a moment lose sight of the end, which was to construct again a solid political edifice out of the ruins of the Confederacy and fasten it to its old moorings under the national flag, where peace, contentment and prosperity should-be common to every citizen.

He was tried not even so much by these outward difficulties as by those nearer and within. Day by day the breach grew wider between the President and Congress. He was the subject of severe criticism by the Republican press for holding office under the circumstances. The President was striving to entangle him with his policy and was hampering him at every turn; indeed, was using his great name and influence as a thong with which to beat back the Congress and force submission or cowardly compromise. Under all these embarrassments and provocations, he performed his duties with singular ability, vigor and success, made few blunders, maintained the dignity and esprit of his office, and preserved, in the midst of intense partisan heat, a caution, patience and urbanity, which were the admiration of friend and foe alike, and without which no end but that of anarchy were possible.

No period of his eventful and hard-worked life was busier. On the battle-field he had been known to write and dictate forty dispatches and orders in a day. Here the correspondence and documents which emanated from his pen were far greater in volume, and of equal importance. They all show the same

keen appreciation of situations, clearness of judgment, and felicity of style. He mastered details, strove for reforms, and administered so earnestly and happily in the midst of chaotic surroundings that even President Johnson was forced to say in a message to the Senate giving reasons for the suspension of Stanton, that "Salutary reforms have been introduced by the Secretary ad interim (Grant) and great reductions of expenses have been affected under his administration of the war department, to the saving of millions to the Treasury." His annual report to Congress was an admirable summary of what he had done in the way of placing the department on a peace footing, and in it he does not fail to credit the zeal and worth of his subordinates, just as when they had led their men gallantly in battle. Of the district commanders he says: "I am pleased to say, that the commanders of the five military districts have executed their difficult trusts faithfully, and without bias from any judgment of their own as to the merit or demerit of the law they are executing." This report fully proved that he could be as exact, concise, clear and forcible in a state paper as in a field order or battle summary.

Grant's appointment as Secretary of War was only ad interim; that is, temporarily, and until a successor could be agreed upon. On December 12th, 1867, Johnson sent a message to the Senate giving his reasons for the removal of Stanton. On January 14th, 1868, the Senate refused to sanction the removal of Stanton, and so notified the President and General Grant. Grant construed this to mean that his mission was at an end. He therefore gave the place up to Stanton. This brought him into controversy with the President, whose purposes in appointing him now became plain. The controversy grew pointed and bitter, and had direct bearing on the political situation, as we shall hereafter see, as well as on the reputations of the two disputants. So fixed had the President become in his determination to control the military function of the government,

that he could not brook Stanton's return under the construction placed upon the tenure of office Act by Grant. He charged Grant with having promised to hold on, in spite of the verdict of the Senate, until the matter could be settled in the courts. Grant repudiated any such agreement, and told the President in cabinet meeting-here we use the language of Mr. Browning a meinber of the cabinet-"that on examining the tenure of office Act, he had come to the conclusion that if the Senate should refuse to concur in the suspension, Mr. Stanton would thereby be reinstated, and that he, Grant, could not continue thereafter to act as Secretary of War ad interim without subjecting himself to fine and imprisonment and that he came over on Saturday to inform the President of this change in his mind and did so inform him." Thus the question of veracity between the President and Grant may be said to be settled out of the mouth of a third party, and that of one of the President's friends. The President emerged from the controversy convicted of ambitions which he endeavored to support by inventions or perversions. He had found Grant too firm to yield to his brutal methods, too astute to be deceived further as to his aims, and altogether an overmatch for him in interpreting the Tenure Act.

One might suppose that the ungenerous and unfair treatment received by Grant from the President would awaken a desire for revenge should opportunity offer. But when that opportunity came, as it did soon after by the impeachment of the President, Grant proceeded quietly with the administration of his trusts as general-in-chief, and never turned aside to encourage or complicate the proceedings. He interested himself more warmly than ever in advancing reconstruction, kept the peace as unbroken as possible, and soon saw State constitutions rising out of tumult, and State organizations presenting themselves for readmission. But for his steadiness of purpose in the midst of confusion, and the calmness of