to be a proprietor, under the idea that he was so qualified by some compensation he conceived to be due to him. From that gentleman's statement, it would be supposed that he was a lieutenant-colonel ; whereas, when the sentence of the courtmartial was passed on him, he was only a lieutenant.

Mr. Twining said, that the worthy Deputy-Chairman had anticipated much of what he was about to say. His only object in rising was to request the court to pause before they recommended that case to the consideration of the Court of Directors, on the grounds which had been laid before them; it was the duty of the Court of Proprietors to know more of the facts of a case before they ventured to recommend it to the consideration of the Court of Directors, more than they could possibly collect from the statement which had been submitted to their notice. He would not for the world say any thing to injure the gentleman, but he (Mr. T.) did not conceive that he had adopted a right method of proceeding. He would have done as well to have made an application to the Court of Directors himself.

The Hon. D. Kinnaird declared, that in his opinion the statement made by the Deputy-Chairman would convince his Hon. friend (Mr. Hume) that there was now no necessity for any recommendation to the Court of Directors, such as had been proposed. His hon. friend had erred in conséquence of what had fallen from

him.

Mr. Astell said that the case had only come before him once whilst he was Chairman; and, as he had soon after quitted the direction by rotation, he was not aware of any subsequent proceedings upon the subject.

Mr. Hume begged that, after. what had taken place, his motion might be withdrawn.

The motion was accordingly withdrawn. LORD AMHERST.- -STATE OF INDIA. Mr. Hume said, that he now intended to bring forward his motion respecting the conduct of Lord Amherst, as the Court of Directors had advised, without having first given due notice. He disliked irregularity in any shape, but he held an advantage which he would not give up; namely, the liberty of entering into a discussion on a topic he might think of importance at the general quarterly courts, without the necessity of giving notice first.

The Chairman asked whether the hon. proprietor was about to speak on the mo tion relating to Mr. Buckingham?

Mr. Hume said he was in possession of the court, and he would not be directed as to the order he was to pursue.

The Chairman said, that Mr. Buckingham's case was the only one before them. Asiatic Journ. VOL. XXI. No. 121.

Mr. Hume had been informed by the Court of Directors, that he might make his motion without giving notice.

The Chairman held the same opinion, but he did not think it proper to do so, until the other business was concluded.

Mr. Hume contended that the Court of Directors had no power toò controŭl him as to the course of proceeding.

The Chairman said his intention was merely to direct the hon. proprietor's attention to the regular mode of proceeding, which required the discussion of Mr. Buckingham's case first; but he really had not the least objection to hear the hon. proprietor, if he wished to bring forward the motion as to Lord Amherst.

Mr. Hume did not think, that with any sense of justice or impartiality towards Lord Amherst, the present court could rise without having first come to some conclusion respecting him. Were there any person who had better information on this subject than he had, he hoped that that person would come forward and convince him of the errors under which he laboured. If his opinion were wrong he should be glad to change it; and then all the doubts that he had about the conduct of Lord Amherst would then be dissipated. His Lordship's conduct would be properly estimated by comparing the state of India' at the time when he was placed at the head of the government of India, and as it now stood. His Lordship was not so much to be censured as 'were those persons who' had sent him to India. He never thought his Lordship competent to be placed at the head of affairs in a country, composed of 80,000,000 souls, which was distracted by discord: though the conduct of Lord Amherst was extremely culpable, it was apparently innocent, compared with the conduct of the government in recommending his appointment, and in the Court of Directors in sanctioning it: Every body knew that Lord Amherst was not equal to the situation he filled; he was not capable of acting with any degree of credit to himself or utility to the country. If he were the only person that blamed his Lordship, he would be very glad of it. He would be happy if any one could say that noble Lord was a proper person to be in the situation he was, if any one act of his was indicative of either ability or talent. He was sorry to say that he never knew any person who could say so much. Lord Amherst was universally censured by those persons who were most likely to form a correct opinion. In 1823 the Noble Lord arrived in India, and took into his hands the reins of go vernment over a people, of whose numbers no person who merely formed his ideas

R

from looking at European states, could form any judgment. The amount of the population under the controul of the Company, was nearly 83,000,000 souls, while the number that was included in the Company's territories amounted to 123,000,000. Never, since India had been under the controul of the British, was unanimity more striking, through the immense extent of that country, than at the time when Lord Amherst succeeded to the Government. He had not been long in India before he commenced a war, which no person who knew the respective situation of the states in India, could imagine would be attended with any thing but disasters. He had never heard, since the first time this war was spoken of, any person say that the Company could ever derive profit from it. He had often heard the assertion, that many Governors-General had undertaken wars, not so much from a sense of justice to the people which they reduced to their government, as on account of the advantage with which they would be attended; but could any person suppose, for one moment, that the war against the Burmese could be attended with any thing like advantage? One need only look to the territory of the Burmese, to be filled with astonishment and wonder that ever a war against them should have been begun. The country of Arracan is situated on the south-east of the Chittagong frontier, between which a chain of mountains forms a natural boundary extending from the sea as far as China. The lowest of these mountains was 5,000 feet in height, and many were 'as high as 5,800 feet. These could only be passed by small openings, and they were utterly impassable to an army. Our knowledge of these countries was very defective at present, though we shall have an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with them, as a new map was about to be published by Mr. Faden, executed by the surveyors of the Bombay establishment. In his (Mr. H.'s) opinion, a great deal of blame rested with the government, for keeping unknown the different situations of countries in India, by which individuals were often obliged to hold their tongue on questions connected with local considerations.. Would any one suppose that the existence of the natural boundary was unknown to Lord Amherst ? And

if it were not unknown to him, what could induce him to break through it, and enter into an enterprize as dangerous as it was uncalled for and unprovoked? Our brave men were placed entirely at the mercy of Lord Amherst, and thousands and tens of thousands met an untimely end; he did not speak of those brave men whom disease and pestilence had preyed upon, and whose bodies fattened the soil of the enemy's country. That government, it appeared, had laid before

them all the information they could. Mr. C. Wynne had said, "there is all the information which I can give you it is sufficient to enable you to discuss the merits or demerits of this proceeding." Lord Amherst had entered on the present war in the face of an act of parliament, declaring it a misdemeanour for any person to commence or extend a war in India, without having obtained the sanction of the Court of Directors and the Government at home. But so anxious was Lord Amherst to enter into the country of the Burmese, that he could not wait for the arrival of the commander-in-chief, who was at the north-west of India, in order to advise with him how to conduct hostilities. He understood that there was a letter from Lord Paget in town upon this subject. But it was impossible for a public man to speak upon documents, which had been intentionally kept back, and which it was not in his power to procure. The government in India had effectually hindered the public from knowing any facts connected with the war which might alarm them, by restraining the newspapers from publishing them; but they had had directions given them to insert every thing of a cheering nature. Just in the same manner, Lord Amherst ordered a feude-joie to be fired upon every frivolous occasion. This was the baby play with which his Lordship amused himself; but it was not child's play to our unfortunate countrymen, who had perished for his Lordship's frolic. The army entered the enemy's country at the most unfavour able season of the year that could have been chosen for such a purpose. The troops landed in March, and a detachment of great force proceeded forward, which would have overcome every obstacle the Burmese could oppose to its advance, if they had not had to contend with an enemy still more dangerous. Rangoon they were stopped by the rains. No person that had not been in India could form an idea of the sickness which resulted from a rainy season. Seventeen thousand British soldiers perished by it; not by an honourable death, in the face of their enemy, but by disease, to which they were exposed by Lord Amherst's imbecility. Where was the wisdom and justice in allowing such a person to continue at the head of affairs, who had commenced his career in such a disastrous way? Eight months had been consumed in endeavours to escape from Rangoon, during which one-half of the army perished, and the other became dispirited, when it was discovered that Rangoon was an island, and there were no means of the troops returning but by a flotilla of boats. They were afterwards shut up in the fortress of Prome, as they were compelled to wait for supplies. He (Mr. Hume) knew the distresses to which armies were exposed,

At

but

but he never heard of any army which had been subjected to such extreme misery as that he was speaking of. It could excite no surprise that the progress of the army should be stopped for want of supplies, when those supplies had to be transmitted through a hostile country. With these facts before their eyes, he asked them, would they allow their troops to march to their graves, by the present conduct of the imbecile government of India? (Hear, hear!) The British arms had been disgraced, not by the soldiers, but by the commanders. They had now for years been engaged in endeavouring to conquer the country; and the result was, that they had not succeeded in obtaining a spot to stand upon.

Not one of the natives had deserted their government, though it was declared by Lord Amherst to be odious to them. And now there appeared no prospect of ever reaching the capital. From Rangoon to Ummerapoorah the capital, a distance of 428 miles, the troops were to be conveyed in boats. But they had only got as yet as far as Prome, which is only 150 miles from Rangoon. They found Prome entirely deserted, and they entered it without any fighting. The supplies were all conveyed by sea, under the convoy of a man of war, and the difficulty of obtaining supplies every day increased, and the troops advanced surrounded by a hostile population. He was afraid that no other event would result from such a state of things, than what happened in former times in the capital of Candia. There was no remedy but to have recourse to wiser councils. The voice of the people of India was calling for the talent that had lately .directed their councils; the natives were wishing the Marquess of Hastings back again. To form a true idea of the state of India at the present moment, was almost impossible. If they were to credit the accounts they received, the expense of prosecuting the war was incalculable. Treble the price is paid for every ton of shipping, that was formerly done. One ship which cost when she left England £10,000, had been taken up by the government at £2,000 per month. Now if such a state of things as that existed, when their troops had only advanced 150 miles in the country, what was to be expected when they should proceed further? More ships would be required to keep the communication free: in fact, it appeared on the face of it to be impossible to carry on the rash enterprise engaged upon, without an appalling expense of money. And why was that disastrous war commenced? Were he to read the declaration of Sir Alexander Campbell, which set forth the grievous offences the Burmese had done to the country, the court, he was sure, could not refrain from laughter, though the subject was a serious one. It seemed there was a

small island called Sharpaurci, which had never been known to be inhabited, and was entirely uncultivated. The Burmese claimed this island as their property, but the Company declared that it belonged to them. That important place, coupled with the fact of one of the Company's subjects being plundered by a Burmese robber, whom the Arracan government promised to hang, if they (the Company) could catch him, were the primary causes of the war. When they reflected on such a trifling cause of war, and on the manner of prosecuting it, were they to sit still and do nothing, because forsooth, Mr. Canning, who had sent out Lord Amherst, did not choose to stultify himself by recalling him? Mr. Canning had said, that as long as India was at peace he considered Lord Amherst a fit person to govern it: now this was an admission that he, Mr. Canning, did not consider him competent to govern it during war. These were the circumstances under which he (Lord Amherst) had received his appointment, and it therefore behoved the executive to take measures for his recal. The Court of Proprietors possessed no longer the power of recalling Governors-General, and could only recommend their Court of Directors to do so. If any civilian could aver that he had confidence in Lord Amherst, let him speak. Would any military man say would any commercial manwould any man behind that bar say, that they had such confidence in him as to entrust the affairs of India in his hand? Let the Chairman candidly state the tone of his Lordship's despatches during the last eighteen months. Had the Court of Directors given their approval to any one of his acts? Have they not, on the contrary, entirely disapproved of every thing he had done? He asked, was there any act of his Lordship's that could bear approval, or that did not deserve unqualified censure? Did not all his proceedings bear the stamp of little-mindedness aud imbecility? Let the court for a moment reflect on the results that would flow from such a system. It was indispensable that some talented man should be immediately set at the head of affairs in India. It was of no consequence whether every act of the Government originated with him, for he well knew that every act must be confirmed by him. If any person who was here had been placed in the situation of the noble Lord, he would ask him if he would have entered on a war on his own responsibility? Would he not first consider the nature of the enemy's territory, and be provided with the means of carrying on the war?-How had Lord Amherst behaved in the affair at Barrackpore? He wished to be corrected by those who had better means of information, if he stated any thing incorrect. He declared that it was the imbecility of

his Lordship solely that had caused the mutiny, in opposing the prejudices of the native troops, and by inattention to the representations they had sent in as long as ten days before the fatal 2d of December, when such a number of brave men were put to death. He thought the native troops deserved the epithet of brave, for better soldiers than they were he had never

seen.

They were cut down by a masked battery, when they were wholly unsuspect ing of danger. It was a stain on the character of Lord Amherst, and would remain on it for ever. Had, then, the Court of Directors taken any measure for the deposition of Lord Amherst ?-Hear!) A great difference of opinion existed between the Court of Directors and Lord Amherst; . for they had sent out an order to India, in order to diminish the effects of rage and resentment which had condemned several persons to be hanged who were perfectly innocent; but, instead of their being hanged, they were sent to labour on the public roads. To such a degrading punishment as that the natives would a thousand times have preferred death: that circumstance was sufficient to produce a commotion in India. Death would never have had such terrors as that: even the officers who had left their men had been punished by dismissal from the service. Lord Amherst had behaved detrimental to the inte- rests of India, and his government was greatly disliked. He was unanimously condemned in all the private letters which he had seen. He would read an extract from one of them :-" At every petty triumph Lord Amherst fires a feu-de-joie and salute! He rides up and down the course as the lady in the simple hygrometer comes out in fine weather." The letter then went on to say how much the return of Lord Hastings was desired by every one. In conclusion, he called on the court, and asked them whether, after this uncontradicted statement-after the uncontradicted hints and rumours and expression of the state of opinion in India, as to the want of confidence in the head of the government there-after the effects of want of confidence which they had witnessed in London within the last three weeks-they could allow things to remain as they were, or rather to grow worse, as they must, unless some steps were taken to restore that confidence in the executive government, so necessary at the present moment? If he was right in concluding, from the facts he had mentioned, that this want of confidence existed in almost every department in India, particularly in those connected with the military operation after the conduct of the government there to General Ochterlony (and that one act was sufficient to enable them to form a judgment of the weakness of the government)-after these facts were known and

suffered to circulate uncontradicted, was it, he repeated, fit that such a man as Lord Amherst.should continue at the head of our India affairs? (Hear, hear!) Were they prepared to submit to have their best troops destroyed in thousands and tens of thousands by the diseases of an unhealthy climate?

And here he would mention one fact to shew the mortality among our best troops engaged in the Burmese war, that a letter, recently received in London, from a gentleman who had the best means of knowing the fact he communicated, mentioned that one of the Company's native regiments, which went, not long back, to the seat of war a thousand strong, had been able to muster, at the date of the last accounts, only seventeen effective men. This loss was not, as he had before observed, occasioned by actual contact with the enemy, but the more slow, but more destructive operation of disease, brought on by fatigue and the unhealthiness of the country in which they were quartered. Could the court remain indifferent to those facts? Could they remain indifferent to the fate of their countrymen in India, and leave them exposed to certain ruin, under the present state of mismanagement? Our brave countrymen, exposed to all the perils of an ill-advised and ill-conducted war, in an enemy's country, did not deserve to be neglected by their fellow subjects at home. In their name, then, he called upon the court to adopt the resolution which he should conclude by moving. The hon. gentleman then briefly recapitulated the leading points of his argument, and contended that they were sufficient to warrant him in coming to the conclusion which his motion embraced. He then moved

"That this court, duly considering the present state of affairs in India, do earnestly recommend to the consideration of the Court of Directors, the propriety and necessity of immediately recalling Lord Amherst, their present Governor. General."

The motion was handed in and read.

The Hon. D. Kinnaird rose to second it; he began by observing, that the paramount importance of this subject was the reason why it had been brought forward, rather :than the other matters which stood for discussion, and which now must be postponed to a future day. He could not conceive any question, of greater interest than that which involved, not merely the honour of our arms or the security of our conquests, but, he might say, the absolute existence of our power in India. It could not be unknown to that court, that the recal of Lord Amherst had of late become the subject of very general conversation and very anxious inquiry amongst our countrymen. Amongst those who felt some compassion for the situation in

which so many thousands of their fellow subjects were placed in India-those who - lamented the profusion with which English blood was poured out, and the prodigality with which human life was allowed to be wasted in an unfortunate war in India-amongst those he had expected that, long before the present moment, some decisive step would have been taken, in order to avert, if possible, the full effects of the present mismanaged state of affairs in that country. He had hoped that, not merely among the India proprietors, but among the great body of our countrymen, there would, before now, have been several public meetings for the purpose of calling for some explanation of the conduct of Lord Amherst, or of those who, after the general opinion, founded on uncontradicted statements of the imbecility of that unfortunate man, had allowed him to continue at the head of our Indian government. (Hear, hear!) He had waited till the last moment, in the confident expectation that the Court of Directors themselves would do something in this affair; for he thought that, without any reference whatever to the security or prosperity of our Indian affairs, if they had in view only the character of Lord Amherst himself, it was a gross act of injustice towards that noble'man, after the statements which had gone forth, and after the expression of public opinion founded upon those statements, to continue him in his office of GovernorGeneral, unless they were prepared boldly to come forward and deny what was admitted in India and in England, and disgracefully known all over Europe; if they were prepared to deny those statements, and to maintain that Lord Amherst was a fit and proper person to continue at the head of the government of India, in God's name let it be done, and let the falsehood of the reports in circulation with respect to him be demonstrated : justice to our countrymen in India-jus tice to Lord Amherst himself, required that this should be done, if there were means of doing it; or, if there were not, that the truth of the statements should be acted upon, and this nobleman removed from his office. This subject was one which, to those at all interested in Indian affairs, met them at every turn: a man could hardly look his acquaintance in the face, without being asked, Well, what's the news from India? Is Lord Amherst to be recalled, and how soon? You, as an individual, may not be able to know what is going forward; but, in God's name, what is your Court of Proprietors about? Can they not call for papers and information as to what is now going forward in India? In justice to themselves

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in justice to Lord Amherst, they are bound, either to endeavour to remove him

from his situation, or to rescue him from the charge of imbecility, so generally made against him." This was the language of almost every man with whom he conversed on the subject of our affairs in India. It was upon the general notoriety of the facts to which he should call the attention of the court-upon the uncontradicted accounts which every day reached us from India, as to the utter incapacity of Lord Amherst for his situation, that he now came forward to second the motion before the court. He could assure the court, that he did not wish to become a public accuser; there was no duty more repugnant to his personal feelings, than that of being obliged to stand forward as the accuser of any man, but particularly one in the high station which Lord Amherst held. Against that noble lord he declared he had no sort of personal feeling whatever; in his private character he might be, and he had no doubt he was, a very amiable individual. What Mr. Canning had said of him might be very true : that he might want the energy of a tiger, and nevertheless be a very excellent man and a good Governor-General. No doubt Mr. Canning thought as he spoke. He believed that, in time of peace, Lord Amherst might make a good Governor ; but he did not, and could not calculate at the time on a period of war. He might be all that was thought of him, excellent and amiable; but still he might be imbecile; and deeds of the greatest wickedness were, as was well known, often the result of great imbecility in public men, because that imbecility rendered it easy for abler, but bad men, to turn them to their own purposes. Let them look at the whole of the acts of Lord Amherst's administration taken together, or any one of them separately, and they would find them marked with utter incapacity. Where was one of 'his acts which shewed firmness or wisdom as a statesman or soldier? Or, if there were any such, why not proclaim them to the world, as a ground for restoring confidence in their Governor-General? If this was not done-if some step were not taken, and that speedily, to restore confidence to our several departments in India, particularly to our military force, he would foretel that a crisis would soon be brought about, from which the talents of Mr. Canning, or even those of Lord Hastings, could not save them-that nobleman, who, as a soldier or a statesman, was the greatest administrator of Indian affairs which the Company had ever employed; he had achieved more in India than any man who had ever presided over that country, or, he feared, than any man who ever should be its governor ; and his achievements were the greater, because he acted without the confidence of the Court of Directors at home, or without