at all. I sent into our village to ask whattrade he was of, and nobody here could tell me. I merely supposed him, for argument's sake, to be a tallow-chandler, as I might, for argument's sake, suppose the Lord Chancellor to be a tallow-chandler, in order to enforce what I might have to say, his.- -I really did not know Mr. Rowcliffe personally, nor had I any knowledge of his calling or profession. I presumed, as it became me to presume, that he was a good manners of its inhabitants, than by the goodness of its situation and the beauty of its environs, to which even Sir Henry Inglefield's pen has not been able to do justice. But, for all this, the people of Southampton possess no particular privilege, as to any publications which they may choose to make. When they choose to ap-in opposing any principle, or statement, of pear in print, they must submit to have their productions criticised; and if the criticism be at all worth their notice, it is worth something better, at any rate, than anonymous abuse.- -One of these anony-very worthy citizen and magistrate. But mous letters reminds me of my being so long in Newgate. But, though it might be very wrong in me to write about the flogging of English Local Militia-men, and against the use of German troops upon that occasion; though, as Judge Gross said, that act might be nearly bordering upon high-treason; though it might be very just to imprison me two years, and make me pay a thousand pounds for that offence; what had all, or any part of, this to do with my arguments on the Corn Bill? What had the Corn Bill to do with the flogging of English Local Militia-men,and the employment of German troops? If any one, in answer to Lord Bacon's philosophical works, were to remind the reader, that that famous Lord Chancellor was punished, at last, for taking bribes, the reader would certainly believe, that the writer wanted the power to answer the philosophy of Lord Bacon. It would have pleased me to receive, or to see in print, some answer, with or with out a name, to my Address. I could then have cleared up whatever remained doubtful in the minds of my neighbours, for whom, speaking generally, and leaving the Rose politics out of the question, I really do entertain as great a respect as for any set of inhabitants that I have ever known, the Quakers of Pennsylvania always excepted. I shewed no want of respect for them; and, if any of them had thought me in error, I produced grounds sufficient, at any rate, to warrant the ex-important points, with regard to which Mr. pectation of an answer. The answer might have been as cutting as you please. That is all fair; but, if any thing at all was said, there should have been an attempt, at least, at an answer. -One of these anonymous writers reproaches me with calling Mr. Rowcliffe a tallow-chandler, when, it appears, he is a wine-merchant. I did not say he was a tallow-chandler. I Beally did not know that he was any trade it was clear to me, that either he was very ignorant indeed of the subject on which he had, under his hand, put forth a publication, or that he had been led, to oblige others, or to gratify his own whim, to publish what was not true. I believe, in fact, that he was wholly ignorant of the subject. But a man may be a very worthy gentleman, and a very worthy Mayor, and yet no political œconomist. And the only fault I impute to him, is, that of having made a publication on a subject, which he did not understand; a fault, to be sure, which is not very rare; but, at the same time, it is a fault which every one who appeals to the press must run the risk of seeing exposed. Besides, it was a duty in me to expose this fault, because Mr. Rowcliffe had promulgated some errors of a very dangerous tendency. He had pointed out the growers of wheat as objects of public hatred. Now, though as a wheat-grower, I do not care a pin, for my own part, for any popular feeling or prejudice; yet I was, surely, fairly entitled to shew that my calling was not one which ought to expose me to such prejudice. This consideration had, however, no weight with me; nor was I actuated by any predilection for the calling of a farmer, whom I regard as no more useful in society than a shoe-maker or a taylor, or a wine-merchant, and (merely on account of his calling) to be entitled to more respect. My motive was, that of putting the public right, as to certain Rowcliffe's publication was misleading them. And, surely, if I was able to do this, it was my duty to do it? Upon what ground, then, do I deserve abuse instead of an answer? Unless, indeed, the Mayor of Southampton can shew, that the publishing of false notions and nonsense, without liability to exposure, be amongst the privileges secured by the Charter of that ancient Corporation. If, indeed, Mr. Rowcliffe had kept his Resolutions in his closet; if Heaven-born Minister, Pitt, having, for the town had deliberated in secret; if no his fellow in office, that veteran placeman, publication had been made by them, then Mr. George Rose. He ought to know the the thing would have been different. But real causes of high price, and the likelihood Mr. Rowcliffe, or the town through him, of a fall if there be any. Yet he says as I had thought proper to put the result of say. Attack him, then, and not me. their deliberations into the public news- A correspondent, for whom. I have the papers. They had appealed to the sense of greatest respect, seems not to have clearly the public at large. And were they, understood me, as to one or two points. above all the rest of the world, to expect He says, that I assert, that taxation and a Security against criticism? He who re-depreciation of the country are the real and sorts to the use of the sword is an assassin, sole causes of the high price of corn, an asif he does not suppose that the sword is to sertion, says he, not warranted by the fact; be opposed to him; and he who resorts to for taxation and depreciation continue, the use of the press, if he knows, or and yet corn is cheap." My correspondent, expects, the press not to be open against intent upon the main drift of the argument, him, is a coward of the basest description; omitted to observe, that I every where quaa description which I am far from suppos- lify my asertion by saying, that these are ing to apply to Mr. Rowcliffe, who, I should the sole permanent causes; the sole average hope, instead of partaking in the base feel-causes; or the sole causes, on an average ings of these anonymous writers, will, if he of years. These qualifications I have inbe convinced of his error, thank me for variably used; and I have, to a tiresome having pointed it out.As to the sub- repetition, stated, for fear of this very object itself, it is done with, for the present, jection, that the variation in the price, beand, I hope, will never be revived. The tween one year and another, depends CORN BILL is thrown out; and, while I wholly on the amount of the crop and the express my pleasure thereat, I cannot help weather of the harvest, with the exception lamenting, that similar energy is not shewn only of that gradual and imperceptible rise, in petitiouing upon other subjects, far more which, year after year, the taxation and interesting to the people. It is painful to depreciation are producing. We have a observe, that the fear of dear bread; that proof of this gradual progress in the price the paltry consideration of the price of the of the loaf at the present time, compared loaf, in which the mass of the nation are in with the price of the loaf in 1802 and 1803. no degree interested; that the imaginary Great crops and fine harvests then brought difference in the price of food should set down the price of the quartern loaf, at one the whole country in a flame, and produce time, so low as eight-pence, in London. The the instantaneous rejection of a law, pro- great crops and fine harvests of the twoposed and supported by the Government, last years have not been able, as yet, to while the people are torpid as stocks and bring down. the loaf to less than about stones, as to all those matters in which eleven-pence, in London. This shews, that their rights and liberties ara involved. By the very largest crops and finest harvests pointing out to them the real causes of the are unable to contend against their two high price of provisions; namely, the taxes and the depreciation of the currency, I shew them, that, if they wish to reduce prices, they must prevail on the Parliament to take off taxes, and restore the currency to its former value. Here their petitioning would have some sense in it; but, in their recent proceedings, there is no sense at all. powerful opponents, taxation and depreciation, which march on, steady and inflexible, like one of our own battalions, unaffected by the chilling frosts, or by the rays of the sun; while the crop is affected by every blast that blows, and by every ray of heat that lights upon the earth.Another point, on which my correspondent -If the people of Southampton, or any has remarked, is this: You say, he obpart of them, are disposed to reject my ar- serves, that the Bill would not be unjust; guments and statements, I refer them to you say, that corn is as much entitled to a Mr. Huskisson, who, in his place in Par-protecting law as candles are; you shew liament, has said the same what I have said. Let them attack him, and not me; for sure ly, if we are both in error, he is more to blame than I am. He was, many years, a Secretary of the Treasury, under that clearly, that, in whatever degree wheat is inexpedient; which, it is my opinion, is the case with regard to this Bill. And, before my correspondent concluded, that there was something inconsistent in my being an enemy to the Bill, and at the same time, saying, that the corn was as much entitled to protection as candles arc, and that the importation of corn would cause less to be grown in England, he should have waited to hear me say, that CANDLES OUGHT TO BE PROTECTED, and that it would be AN EVIL to cause less corn to be grown in England. My opinion, which I have before explicitly stated, is in opposition to both these. I see no reason for protecting English-made candles; and I see no harm that could arise from our sending away our copper and tin, and steel and cloth, and crockery-ware, and getting, from finer climates, corn, oil, and winc, in return. If men do not raise corn, they will not lose money by raising corn. If they have not capital employed in farming, they will not have to pay taxes upon land, horses, &c. and will have no poor-rates to pay. If the country (though the idea is absurd) were wholly fed from abroad, those who are now farmers would find something else to do.But, my grand objection to the Bill, an objection which over-balances every thing else, is, that, in case of future high prices, it would have given a wrong direction to the public outery. It would have set the people to clamouring against landlords, farmers, millers, and bakers, and have thus taken their attention away from the real causes of public distress. This alone was sufficient to make me oppose the Bill. I know that taxes must be raised; that prices, upon an average of years, must keep pace with the taxes and the currency; that, if the taxes be not laid so directly upon the farmer, they must reach him indirectly; but, the difference would have been, that, if the Bill had been passed, all the blame would have been laid upon the grower of corn, and the manufacturer of it into bread. -I do not say, that this will not be the case as it is; but it would have been sure to be the case, if the Bill had been passed. sellors. I should be very loath to say, that a good government will be established in Spain; but, at any rate, some good has been done in that country. There are, at least, some persons, who do not think as they formerly did. The old order of things cannot wholly return.- -In France, a Constitution has been settled on, and is about to be put into execution. I must see more of it, before I can judge of its effects; but there are three things, which are of great importance. The Church is to be supported like the army, out of the taxes, having no hold, of any sort, upon the land; the sale of the church lands and the lands of the nobility is to remain good, and the titles of the holders of the lands are confirmed; and, which is of still greater importance, the Code Napoleon is to remain in full force, and that most admirable work is to continue a blessing to France, and an example for other nations. THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON, The Treaty by which this celebrated individual abdicated the thrones of France and Italy, has at last become public; and if any thing had been wanting to shew the superiority of Napoleon's mind, even in the midst of what has been held his greatest misfortune, it would be found in this remarkable and very interesting document. Here also we have a complete refutation of all the impudent fabrications that have heen propagated, respecting his conduct, since the moment it was known that he preferred the happiness of France to the ephemeral glory of a crown, which there was a chance, at least, of his perpetuating in his family, had he, instead of giving up the contest, taken advantage of the general disposition in his favour, and plunged the nation into a civil war for his personal rights. I have said before, and I repeat it, that the act of abdication was the most magnanimous act of Napoleon's life; and could I bring my mind to think of forgiving him at all for his apostacy from liberty, I should be disposed to admit his conduct, in this instance, as some sort of palliation for his past guilt. His enemies, who accused him of insolence when he was at the zenith of his power, were equally forward in charg SPAIN AND FRANCE.- The Times newspaper, having failed in its endeavoursing him with meanness when his fortunes. to cause a bloody list of proscriptions to be were at the lowest ebb. With regard to made in France, is now attempting to his alleged haughtiness, I never knew a cause one to be made in Spain. It will well authenticated instance of this in his not suffer the king (our own beloved Fer-own person. He may have often repelled dinand) to choose his servants and coun- the approaches of the sycophant and the knave; and those who filled offices under | attention; while the ready acquiescence of him, may have displayed the insolence the Coalesced Powers, in stipulations so which not unfrequently characterises cour-highly advantageous to Napoleon, to the tiers. But, in the one case, the crimes de- members of his house, and to all his other served the punishment, and whether, in the adherents, puts it beyond all question that other, the reward followed or not, it is very the Allied Sovereigns well knew the extent clear that Napoleon was no way answerable of his power, and that, notwithstanding for the haughty deportment of his servants. appearances, he was still able to command As to the accusation of meanness, the whole respect. The spirit which has since maaspect of the treaty demonstrates, not only nifested itself in France, on several occathe greatest presence of mind, but a degree sions, when circumstances reminded the of fortitude and courage which, I am firmly army in particular, of the great military persuaded, few men alive would have evinced achievements of the Emperor, shews, that in a similar situation. If, as his traducers the Allies acted wisely in what they did. say, Napoleon was unable to maintain his Here, however, the conductors of our ground; if his crimes had rendered all newspaper press, who find their harvest in France inimical towards him; and if, as rousing the hostile passions of their species, we have been a thousand times told by the have the audacity to censure the conduct Times and the Courier, he was bereaved of the Allied Powers for the part which of hope itself, and was on the eve of be- they acted. Wishing. to conceal their coming his own executioner! If, I say, he hatred to France, and their chagrin at her had become so obnoxious, and his mind had now relatively happy condition; eager to been so depressed as these hireling news-procrastinate a war which they had found papers represented, it is utterly incon- so profitable; and totally insensible to sufceivable how he could think of proposing fering humanity; these prostituted writers, terms respecting himself, and contrary to under the hollow pretence of piety, and a all our ideas of human nature, to suppose regard for public morals, have never ceased that, in such deplorable circumstances, he venting their spleen against Napoleon, and would have been occupied with the con- against all who shewed any disposition to cerns of others. One would have thought do justice to his character. In the Times of that, in place of arranging the articles of Wednesday last, we find the following spea treaty so important as that under consi- cimen of the usual cant of that journal, of its deration, his mind would have been wholly affected jealousy for the national honour, engaged with his personal safety; that, in- and of its rooted hatred of Napoleon :stead of stipulating for rank, for power, "We have received Paris papers to the and for riches, he would have been anxious "12th instant. The Journal des Débats, to escape the dangers which were said to a paper of some credit, contains the folsurround him, and to seek a refuge in some "lowing article, which, if accurate, may far distant land. Nothing of this, how-"be considered as of no small importance ever, occurred. On the contrary, we find " to the future tranquillity of Europe:him, in place of accepting terms from," General Bertrand, who accompanied actually dictating terms to, bis supposed "Bonaparte to the Isle of Elba, is on his conquerors. Viewing matters in this light, "return to Paris. When he left the all idea of humiliation, all notion of defeat" Island,the ci-devant Emperor had become and disgrace vanish from the mind. In-" entirely deranged, and the Physicians stead of a "debased, broken-down, low- " despaired of his recovery.' We say, spirited wretch," as his gentle calumnia-" this fact is of importance; because, howtors were pleased to call him, we behold" ever deep was the disgrace which BoNapoleon acting a part as if he had in "naparte had encountered, yet in a counreality closed his last campaign in as try where every principle of reason brilliant a manner as any of his former" and of morality had been shaken,military expeditions. We discover no "where the Revolution had set afloat so cringing, no faint-heartedness, no over- many wild and extravagant ideas, and anxiety to gain the favour or insure the "the peace had disappointed so many vain good graces of his opponents. The con- "and ambitious projects, it was naturally ditions of the treaty evidently originated" to be expected that the restless and inwith himself. They indicate, that they "triguing would recur with partiality to must have been proposed with a manly" their former idol ; and the very reflecdignity, and in a tone calculated to insure" tion that such a chief was still ready to 66 66 66 66 66 "lar. cr 66 66 26 66 "step forth, in the event of a Revolation, affirmed, that Lord Castlereagh had posiwas enough to afford a strong temptation tively refused to put his signature to a “to revoluiimary movements. The Allies treaty which was polluted with the name of seem to have unwittingly strengthened Bonaparte. When they said this, they "these sentiments, by the respect which forgot, at least wished the public to forget, they so inconsistently lavished on a con- the existence of the treaty of Amiens. I "victed criminal. The Treaty of the 11th have no doubt they now wish the same public "of April speaks for itself in this particu- to banish from their remembrance, what For the honour of our own country, they also so recently said about the French however, we must correct a misrepresen- Emperor being treated as an outcast from "tation of the part which Lord Castle- society; for they are at last forced to "reagh took in that treaty. His Lord- admit, that even the representative of our "ship altogether declined signing as a Government has not only associated his party to its general contents. The Allied name, in a treaty, with that of Napoleon, "Powers, after they had signed it, applied but has actually pledged the honour of this "to the British Government for their ac- country to guarantee the entire sovereignty "cession to it; but this was refused, ex- of " the island of Elba to Bonaparte for cept merely so far as regarded the ar- "life!!" What! have we found it necesrangements for securing the Duchies of sary, after all the sacrifices we have made "Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, to the for the deliverance of Europe; and after "Archduchess and her Son in perpetuity, the glorious and triumphant accomplish"and the island of Elba to Bonaparte for ment of that grand object; have we, I ask, "life. To these articles alone was Lord been compelled, in such fortunate circumCastlereagh's signature affixed; so that stances, to become the abettors of a con"it is not true that the imperial and kingly victed criminal?-For years past have the "titles of Bonaparte and his family have good people of this country been told, that "ever been acknowledged by the British Bonaparte was a murderer, a blasphemer, "Government, or that the British Go- an adulterer, a thief, a robber, a liar; in vernment are parties to any of the pecu- short, every crime which could possibly be niary stipulations contained in the committed, or conceived, has been attri** treaty." -It is not my intention here buted to him. Either the public were to animadvert on the cowardly conduct of told the truth on these occasions, or they a public writer, who unceasingly levels his were told falsehoods. If the latter, wheshafts against, and constantly exults over, ther are they or their deceivers most deone who, at the same time, he admits is a serving of punishment, for submitting so fallen enemy. True courage spares such long to be the dupes of such delusion? As a one; it is only the dastard who considers to the injustice done to the character of him an object of triumph. It is not my inten- Napoleon, I am not so sanguine as to extion, I say, at present, to enlarge upon this pect that any will be acknowledged by his topic. But it may not be amiss to remark a enemics. But if it be all true that has. little upon what is said respecting Lord been said of him; if he is in verity that Castlereagh declining, on the part of our Go-" terrible monster" which he has been so vernment, to become a party to the general often and so pathetically described; if no contents of the treaty with Napoleon.- faith can possibly be kept with him; and If this statement had been true, how comes if he ought to be "hunted from society, it that Lord Castlereagh's name appears at as a being who carries pestilence in his the treaty, in conjunction with the Minis-" train ;" what becomes of all our high preters of the other Allied Powers, without any exception whatever appearing to have been taken to a single article by his Lordship? It is possible that he may have "declined signing as a party to its general "contents," though the strict rules of diplomacy renders this extremely improbable. Besides, it may be recollected, when this treaty was first spoken of, that the Times and the Courier both denied that there had been any concurrence at all on the part of our Government. They, in fact, expressly 66 tensions to piety and morality, when it is seen, that we do not merely tolerate the existence of such a man, but enter into a solemn compact with him, by which we recognise his right of property to an extent of territory capable of yielding a revenue equal to that enjoyed by many of the Potentates of Europe -The Times, out of its affected zeal for what it calls the national honour, attempts to make a distince tion between the recognition of Napoleon's titles, and the actual transfer of the Isle of |
