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Sir Robert Wilson's book falsely ascribes clamation promises, that the persons holdto him, if it had been true, would have ing the administrative and judicial powers been attributable to Divine Providence, and shall keep their places. It promises the not to Buonaparté, any more thań, my flog: same as to the Senale. Now, either these ging publication was attributable to my persons are the best that could have been Pen.- -The Times news-paper, of a few found in France, or, they are not. If the days ago, under the name of a person of the latter, is it just to keep them in their name of BURDON, asserts, in addition to places? If they are not fit persons, and do all the other abominable falsehoods vomit- not properly administer the laws, would it ed forth against this great soldier and le- not be a detestable act to keep them where gislator, that he caused, in Italy, many they are, and to leave the property and thousands of persons to be buried alive, lives of the people at their disposal ? And, even soldiers of his own army. But, sup- if they are the fittest men that could be posing this to be as true as it is false, does found in France; if they do take good care not this Proclamation sanction the deed, of the property and lives of the people, by asserting that Napoleon has been an in- what can the people of France wish for strument of the wrath of Divine Provi- more? And what are they to get from the dence? That is to say, by asserting, that proposed change? What does this propo, God forced him to bury these people alive? sition offer them but a mere change of sove, Nay, it asserts, in fact, that God did the act; reigns, without any offer, without any because no act can be said to be done by hope, of being better, with a risk, at least, the tool made use of in doing it; and be of being worse off?

-When one man, in cause the law says, that he who does an common life, wishes to supplant another, " act by another, does it himself."- be it in whatsoever line it may, he offers to What injustice, upon the principle of this the parties, interested some advantage or Proclamation, is it, therefore, to call for other. Let me, says. A to B, supply you vengeance; for: punishment; and even før with shoes instead of C. For whal : says the Divine vengeance ; upon the head of B. Why, says A, you shall have your Napoleon ? For, if men are so wicked, so shoes of the same quality cheaper; or, of a impious, as to wish to punish a fellow man better quality at the prices of, G. Here is for having executed the will of God, what a motive for the change; but, what molive a horrible idea is it, that God should punish does the Proclamation hold out? None at a man, for doing what he himself has in all, if we except the mighty consideration duced him, enabled, him, and compelled of being again under the sway of the des him to do? But, the Proclamation goes scendants of Sl. Louis; and, I dare şay, further; for, it not only asserts, that Napo- that, by this time, the people of France leon has been an instrument in the hands of have very little preference for the persons God, but says, that he has been an instru: of sainted kings.- -But, the Senate is to ment of God's wrath. This embraces all remain; and, moreover, it is designated as the acts of severity imputed to Napoleon containing men justly distinguished by their and his armies. It was, according to this talents and their services. -Be it, in the Proclamation, God who made him go to first place, remembered, that it was NapoMoscow ;. to overset the Bourbons in Spain; leon who instituted this body; that it was to kill the Duke of Brunswick ; to capture he who chose these men of talents, and of Berlin and Vienna ; to drive out the King services;' that, in short, it was he whe and Queen of Naples; to eject the Italian made this very thing, which the Bourbons Princes; to take away the dominions and promise to support. - The writers of the power of the Pope ; and to keep the Bour- Proclamation may, indeed, say, that it was bons from their throne. According to the not he, but God through him; so that here principle of the Proclamation, all these he would not appear as the instrument of persons and places meriled what has been God's wrath, but of his blessings. Howdone to them,, unless the authors of it are ever, if you deprive him of the merit here, ready to say, that Divine Providence has you must, in common conscience, exonerate been unjust. At any rate, if we adopt him from the blame as to all the rest of his this principle, we must acquit Napoleon of acts, and must suppress all your vindictive alt blame; and, if we suppose the people wishes against him.---- But, leaving Di. of France to be endowed with only com- vine Providence, for the present, out of the mon senise, and a very small portion even question, what motive is there here beld out of that, we must suppose, that ihey will see to the people of France, to accept of the the patter in the same light, The Pro- offer of the Bourbons? They are told, that

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the Senate contains men of great taleists and "hands ; biit, common sense, self.previrtues, and that it shall renain a part of servation, dietate to me to make every exthe governient. Well, then, the people ertion in my power to prevent such a of France need no change whatever to se- change.'-To the Generals and Solcure to them the services of the Senate. diers, indeed, who shall signalize themThey have the Senate now. They are selves in his cause, the King offers rewards promised nothing more; and, they may more substantial, distinctions more honourvery reasonably suppose, that no one is so able, than those they possess. That is to likely to preserve this body as he who has say, lie will reward them if they will, by created it. The offer, in short, which they means of a civil war, or any other means here have again, is that of a risk of loss, in violation of their oath to Napoleon ; to without even the hope of any gain to coun- him who has crealed the Tribunals and terbalance that risk. -Was there ever, Senate (which are to remain) assist in res in the whole world, any man, in his senses, storing the Bourbons ! However, there is that accepted of such an offer? Men very something in this. More is offered than öften give the ready money out of their what is at present enjoyed. But to whom hands, and risk the loss of it upon a pro- | Why, to that part of the nation who have missory note; but, as a compensation for arms in their hinds. To those wlio have this risk, they have the interest of their little, or nothing, to lose; to those, who, money, which, by lying dead in their before they accept of the offer, must be hands, would bring thein nothing. But, tray him, to whom they have sworn fidewho changes his money against a promise lity; to those who have it in their power, to be paid the same sum again? Who perhaps, to contpel the people to risk the ever voluntarily rưns a risk without the loss of their property in exchange for a hope of gain. The same observations promise, which the promiser will not,

apply to the promise, made in the Procla- perhaps, have the power to fulfil. -- If mation, as to the ownership of property. this offer be calculated to gain the army, I L-It “engages to interdict all proceedings am sure it is calculated to excite indigna: " in the Tribunals, contrary to the settle-cion in the rest of the people ; and that, " ments now in existence."


the whole, it must make more against fers to the property, which includes a great the Bourbons than for them.

-We now part of all the lands of France, which was, come to the most important promise of alles by the Republican government, taken from namely, TO PRESERVE THE CODE the Crown, the Church, and the Nobility, NAPOLEON. -We will pass over the and sold to individuals. What will words, " polluted by the name Napoleon,"

these proprietors say, in answer to such a as a silly expression, interpolated, let us promise?' I know very well what I should hope, by some cock-a-hoop parasite, and say, if I were one of them. I should an- not emanating from the mind of Louis swer thus : * You may be perfectly sincere, XVIII, of whom I would avoid speaking * but I do not know that you are ; and, if with any degree of disrespect, and the sin. $ I knew you to be sincere, I 'should not cerity of whose intentions I do not wish to • know, that you would have the power to call in question. To the same source we. *ace according to your intentions. If you will impute the strange assertion, that this

are restored, you must restore the No. Code, " for the most part, contains only *bility and the Church ; and, what would 46 the ancient ordinances and customs of * these be without property ? Be your in- 6 the realm ;" for, to ascribe this asser

tentions, therefore, what they may, 1 tion to Louis-XVIII, would be to do him * cannot be certain, that they will be acted great dishonour, seeing that nothing was upon, and that your promise will be ful- ever more untrue. We shall, by-andfilled. Burt, I know that I have my pro- by, see what those "ancient ordinances perty now; I know, that thie quiet poses and customs" were; "we shall see how y session of it is secured to me, not only by they ground an industrious, an ingenious, *the settled laws, but by the interests of a gallant people, in the fairest part of the kallimy rulers, great and small. I know, world, down into şlaves of the lowest cast; Sthat, if no change take place in my rulers, how they peopled the galleys and the jails; •'any property is safe. I know, that 'I how they spread misery and death around s cannot gain by your offer , and I know, them. And those who have read the Code

that I risk the loss of my all. There- Napoleon, civil as well as criminal, know, fore, I not only reject any proposition, that it has completely abolished those hor tending to shift the governinent into your rible laws and customs. But, for the

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sake of the argument, and to place the va- nious priests, to make the properly of lk?
lue of this promise as high as possible, let church closely connected with the doctrines
us, for the present, suppose all the inter- of religign.; and thus, without any breach
Tarded assertions to be true, If it be of promise, the whole of those persons who
true, then, that Napoleon has formed a bave purchased that property, might be
code, for the most part consisting of the left to beg their bread, not without some
ancient ordinances and customs of the danger of being punished as lieretics.
realm, only that these are here so embodied Here, at any rate, the Proclamation is a
and arranged -as to give them a more uni- denunciation against the proprietors; and
form effect, and a more easy application, the only thing that astonishes one is, how
with what justice; .... no, I will not any man in his senses could suppose ir
talk of justice in a case where he is the ab. likely to seduce the people of France from
ject of attack ; but, with what consistency; their present ruler, After all, and upon
with what sense, is coupled with this as- a review of the whole matter, what does
sertion, the assertion that his government this Proclamation amount to? What does
is that of a capricious tyrant? If he rule it hold out to the people of France? What
by the same laws that the Bourbans ruled boon does it promise them? What are the
by, and, if he be a capricious tyrant, what blessings which they are to enjoy if they
were they? And, what is still more accept of the King's generous offer? Why,
worthy of being asked, what do they intend they are to enjoy the same property whicla
to be, if they intend to govern by the saine they now.enjoy; the sange degree of libera
code which he has established ?- -Here, ty; the same law-makers; the same laws;
as in the former instances, there is a risk the saine executors of those laws, and the
of loss, without the offer of any gain, even same army. This is the offer; this is the
contingent. Either the Code, as it now boon tendered to them ; these are the only
stands, is good or bad. If bad, what mor blessings, which an exiled king can find
tive is held out to the people to make a out to promise his people as a reward for
change which is only to perpetuate it. If their undertaking a civil war for his resto
good, what motive to rug even the slightest ration.Is it possible for the mind of
risk of losing it, or of seeing it impaired? wan to invent a higher compliment to the
Is it reasonable to suppose, that the peor person who now governs France? Is it
ple of France will think this Code safer in possible to discover more forcible means of
the bands of those, who wish to overthrow convincing them, that they ought to ven-
and utterly destroy him who has establish- ture the shedding of the last drop of their
ed it, thau in the hands of that person him- bload w maintain the government of that
self? The prounise, in this case, as in person ?

-Apd, I should be glad to hear all the others, amounts to nothing more than what can be said by those unprincipled that of not injuring the people of France; men, in this country, who are incessantly but, to this generous, this mupificent pra crying out against the tyranny of Na mise, there is, in the present case,, a re- poleon, when they see it, in so solemn a servation ; yes, a reservation facked by manner, avowed by him whom they cald way of rider even to a promise, which, in the King of France, that, if restored to his its greatest extent is no more than a nega: throne, the utmost that he cap promise is tive. -There is an exception made with to secure to bis people that which they now regard to the doctrines of religion.enjoy under this same Napoleon ? One Some priest must have advised this. The would think, that, if this Proclamation be good sense of Louis XVIII, and his suf- calculated to produce no other good offect, terings from this source more than from it ipight produce that of striking dumb their any other, would surely have peevented calumnious impudence. But (I had

· him from the making of this exception, nearly overlooked, it) there is one thing,

What is meant by the doctrines of promised by the Proclamation, which, " religion ?" The Code Napoleon does though still of a negative kind, would make 110t weddle with those doctrines in any a change for the better ; namely; the prot other way than as it leaves every man to mise to abolish the consoription. Yes, and follow his own opinions as to religion, and so will Napoleon, when he has made peace. compels no man to belong to any particular The conscription is founded on no esta sect, except the Royal Family, whose celi blished law: it is not a thing of permanent gion is to be that of the Roman Catholic. duration ; it is to meet the emergencies of This exception, therefore, lames room, war: aud, though we affect not to perceive and very little would be wanted to inge the fact, it is, and must be well known

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to the people of France. Besides, what actions.

--Besides, what I actions. The people of France, putting is a conscription? What is it but a ballot these facts' together; seeing that the Profor military service ? And, "have not we clamation is applauded and circulated by ballots for military service? The nature those, who wish to see them punished, of the service differs in some degree ; but will not fail to draw the appropriate conare not we too compelled to wear soldiers' clusion. We might now leave this Proclothes, to carry arms, and lo submit to clamation to make its way in the world. military discipline and law, and to be But, justice to the Emperor Napoleon ; Hogged too, if we disobey that law ?-I and, a still more powerful motive, justice shall be told, that we are not compelled to to the people of France, who seem to remain go on foreign service. Ours is an island. firm in their attachment to him these deFrance is not so situated. If our Local mand an inquiry into the nature and effect militia were in France, they would, if in a of the Bourbon government ; into the situcounty on the frontier, be liable to meet ation of the people of that' fine country, the enemy. Besides, the arming of men while they were ruled by those ancient always must suppose the possibility, and Ordinances and Customs, of which the even the strong probability, of their being Proclamation says, the Code Napoleon, called upon to use those arms ; else why for the most part consists.- - WHAT, are they armed at all? Why are they then, were those Ordinances and Cuslonis ? compelled to submit to military law ?- How did they affect this industrious and So that, after all, this conscription ; this gallant people? Were they free and hapballot for military service, an end of which py, or were they slaves, and miserable, is the only thing which the Proclamation under those Ordinances and Customs ?. It speaks of as a change for the better, amounts is notorious, that, for ages, previous to to just nothing at all; besides, that the the French revolution, we, in this counconscription falls indiscriminately upon the try, 'constantly described the French as whole nation, while, as we shall soon see, slaves; our histories, our moral essays, the ballot for the militia did, under the our political writings, our poems, our Bourbons, fall upon the common people plays, all describe them as slaves, and as only. So much, then, for this famous, cowards for submitting to-such a governthis published and re-published Proclama- ment as then existed. Now, indeed, our tion, which, as, I think, I have clearly conductors of news-papers, with a degree shown, taking it in its best light, supposing of impudence absolutely without parallel, the Bourbons to be perfectly sincere in their abuse the French people for having deprofessions, and to have full power to give stroyed the PATERNAL sway of the effect to their intentions, is calculated to Bourbons ! --Let us now see, then, what unite the French nation as one man in de was the nature of that “paternal sway;"! fence of their present ruler and his house, and, when we have taken a full view of instead of inducing them to side with those it, and of its effects, we shall be able to who wish to overthrow him. But, in judge, whether it be probable, that the estimating the probable power of this do- people of France will listen to those, cument in effecting the object which it has who are endeavouring to bring them back to in view, we must not, blind as we are, the blessings of that " paternal sway." quite overlook its local origin and the chan- But, how are we to get at a true account of nels, through which it is passing, and by the nature and effects of the Bourbon go which it is recommended to the people of vernment? We must resort to some altFrance. They will not fail to perceive, thority; to somebody's word, whose word that it comes to them (supposing them to is to be relied on

.. -The authority, to see it) from England. If they read it in which I am about to refer, is that of Mr. the Times news-paper, or in the Courier, ARTHUR YOUNG, who is, and who has or in almost any of our prints, they will been, for many years past, Secrelary to the see it accompanied with the niost out- Board of Agricullure, with a salary, paid rageous attacks upon themselves. They by the public, of £500 a year. -Mr. will also see, that those very persons, who Young is, in the first place, a man of great patronise this Proclamation, do, in the talents ; and, perhaps, it is impossible to very same prints, breathe destruction, not find out a person so fit to be referred to as only to Napoleon, but to the power of the Mr. Young. His studies had been of that French nation; that they insist upon the kind, which peculiarly fitted hiin for an innecessity of humbling, reducing, punishing quiry of this description; and, he was in the French people themselves for their past France at precisely the time for making it.

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new constitution was formed. He was not

He made, during the years 1787, 1788, excesses could not be common in any counand 1789, an agricultural and politico- try;' and they were reduced almost to noeconomical survey of the kingdom of France. thing, from the accession of the present He was there when the revolution began; King. The great mass of the people, by he was there during its progress until the which I' mean the lower and 'middle' ranks,

could suffer very little from such engines, only living in great intimacy with many of and as few of them are objects of jealousy, the most respectable leaders in that work; had there been nothing else to complain of, but, he himself, crossing the kingdom in all it is not probable they would ever have directions, made himself miputely acquaint- been brought to take arms. The abuses ed, by the means of personal inquiry and attending the levy of taxes were heavy and the evidence of his senses

, of every particu- universal. The kingdom was parcelled lar, relating to the nature and effect of those into generalities, with an intendint at the " ancient Ordinances and Custoins," of head of each, into whose hands the whole which the Bourbon Proclamation boasts. power of the crown was delegated for every

During his travels, he gives an account thing except the military authority; but of these, by citing numerous instances, of particularly for all affairs of finance. The the abominable tyranny, under which the generalities were subdivided into elections, people groaned ; and, at the close of his at the head of which was a sub-delegué, work; he publishes reflections on the Revo- appointed by the intendant. The rolls of lution, beginning with a summary descrip- the taille, cupitalion, vingtiemes, and other tion of the state of the people under the taxes, were distributed among districts, Bourbon government, and, to the evidences parishes, and individuals, at the pleasure of his own observation, adding, as he pro- of the intendant, who could exempt, change,

, ceeds, the complaints, contained in the add, or diminish, at pleasure. Such an Cahiers, that is to say, the lists of com- enorinous power, constantly acting, and plaints, made to the National Assembly by from which no' man was free, must, in the the most respectable people of the different nature of things, degenerate in many cases provinces, to which Cahiers he-refers in the into absolute tyranny. It must be obvi

. notes. This part of Mr. Young's work,

te word I am now about to insert. I beg the reader ambassador in France, about the year 1755, to go through it with attention. He will negociatiug the fixing of the limits of the Amesee how every part of it applies to the sub- ( duced the war, calling one day on the minister

rican colonies, which, three years after, project on which we are, and also to the pre- for foreign affairs, was introduced, for a few sent crisis.

-When he has read it to the minutes, into his cabinet, while he finished a end, not omitting the Notes, I shall have short conversation in the apartment in which lie to trouble him with some further observa- As his lordship

walked backwards and forwards,

usually received those who conterred with him. tions of my own.

in a very small room (a French cabinet is never a large one), he could not help seeing a paper

lying on the table, written in a large legible ON THE REVOLUTION OF FRANCE, hand, and containing a list of the prisonerstin the

gross infamy.which attended lettres Bastile, in which the first name was Gordon. de cachet and the Bastile, during the whole apologized for his involuntarily remarking the

When the minister entered, Lord Albemarle - reign of Louis XV. made them esteemed in paper; the other replied, that it was not of the England, by people not well informed, as least cousequence, for they made no secret of the the most ptominent features of the despot - panies. Lord A. then said, that he had seen the

name of Gordon first in the list, and he begged ism of France. They were certainly car

to know, as in all probability the person of this ried to an excess hardly cridible; to the name was a British subject, on what account he length of being sold, with blanks, .to be had been put into the Bastile. The niinister filled up with names at the pleasure of the told him, that he knew nothing of the matter,

but would make the proper inquiries. The next purchaser; thus able, in the gra- time he saw Lord Albemårle," he informed him, {ification of private revenge, to tear a man thrat, on inquiring into the case of Gordon, he from the bosom of his family, and bury could find no person who could give him the him in a dungeon, where he would exist least information; on which he had had Gordon forgotten, and die unknown 1*--But such that he had not the smallest knowledge, ar even

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himself interrogated, who solemnly affirmed,

suspicion, of the cause of his imprisonment, but a An anecdote, which I have from an authoá that ' he had been confined 30 years; bowever, rity to be depended on, will explain the pro- added the minister, I ordered him to be immeAigacy of government, in respect to these arbi- diately released, and he is now at large. Such a trary imprisonments. Lord Albemarle, when case wants no comment.

who was

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