ed, and abused the liberty of the press established by them, to render the Royal power odious, giving to all the rights of Majesty the name of despotism-making King and Despot synonimous terms,-and calling Kings Tyrants, while at the same time they cruelly persecuted every one who had the firmness to contradict them, or to dissent from this revolutionary and seditious mode of thinking; and in every thing democracy was affected, the army and navy, and all other establishments which, from time immemorial, had been called Royal, being stripped of that name, and National substituted, with which they flattered the people; who, however, in spite of these perverse arts, retained, by their natural before acknowledged, ascribing it nomi- | pers were resorted to as a means, some of nally to the nation, in order to appropriate which the Deputies of the Cortes conductit to themselves, and then, upon such usurpation, to dictate to the nation such laws as they pleased, imposing upon it the yoke by which it should receive them compulsorily, in a new Constitution, which the deputies established without authority of the provinces, people, or juntas, and without the knowledge of those provinces which were said to be represented by substitutes from Spain and the Indies. This Constitution they sanctioned and published in 1812. This first attack upon the prerogatives of the throne, abusing the name of the nation, became, as it were, the basis of many other attacks which followed it; and in spite of the repugnance of many deputies, perhaps of the majority, they were adopted and raised to the rank of laws, which they called fun-loyalty, the good feelings which always damental, by means of the shouts, threats, and violence of those who attended in the galleries of the Cortes, with which they alarmed and terrified; and that which was in truth the work of a faction, was clothed with the specious mask of the general will, and for such will that of a few seditious persons, who in Cadiz, and afterwards in Madrid, occasioned affliction to all good citizens, made their own to pass. These facts are so notorious, that there is scarcely any one who is ignorant of them; and the very Diaries of the Cortes furnish ample proof of them. A mode of making laws so foreign to the Spanish nation, gave occasion to an alteration of the good laws under which, in other times, it was respected and happy. In truth, almost all the forms of the ancient constitution of the Monarchy were innovated upon; and copying the revolutionary and democratic principles of the French constitution of 1791, they sanctioned, not the fundamental laws of a moderate Monarchy, but those of a popular Government, with a chief, or magistrate, their mere delegated executor, and not a King, although they gave him that name, to deceive and seduce the unwary and the nation. Under the same want of liberty this same Constitution was signed and sworn to; and it is known to all, not only what passed with regard to the respectable Bishop of Orense, but also the punishment with which those were threatened who refused to sign and swear to it.-To prepare the public mind to receive such novelties, especially those regarding my royal person and the prerogatives of the Crown, the public newspa formed their character. Of all this, since I have happily entered the kingdom, I have been acquiring faithful information and knowledge, partly from my own observations, and partly from the public papers, in which, up to this very day, representations of my arrival and my character are impudently circulated, so gross and infamous in themselves, that even with regard to any other individual they would constitute very heavy offences, worthy of severe notice and punishment. Circumstances so unexpected have filled my heart with bitterness, which could only be alleviated by the demonstrations of affection from all those who hoped for my arrival, in order that by my presence an end might be put to these calamities, and to the oppression in which those were, who retained in their minds the remembrance of my person, and sighed for the true happiness of their country. I swear and promise to you, true and loyal Spaniards, at the same time that I sympathise with the evils which you have suffered, you shall not be disappointed of your noble expectations. Your Sovereign wishes to be so on your account, and in this he places his glory, that he is the Sovereign of an heroic nation, who by their immortal deeds have gained the admiration of the world, and preserved their liberty and honour. I abhor and detest despotism; neither the intelligence and cultivation of the nations of Europe could now endure it : nor in Spain were its kings ever despots. Neither its good laws, nor constitution, authorised despotism; although unfortunately, from time to time, as happens every where else, and in every thing human, there may have been abuses of power which may be imposed and assigned for the mainno possible Constitution can wholly guard tenance of the State in all branches of the against; nor were they the faults of the administration. The laws, which shall in Constitution which the nation had, but of future serve as a rule of action to my subindividuals, and the effects of unpleasant jects, shall also be enacted in concert with but very rare circumstances, which gave the Cortes, inasmuch as these bases may occasion to them. However, in order to serve as an authentic declaration of my royal avert them, as effectually as human fore- intentions in the Government with which I sight will allow, namely, by preserving the am about to be vested, and will represent honour of the royal dignity, and its rights, to all neither a despot nor a tyrant, but a since those appertaining to it and to the King, and a father of his subjects; having people are equally inviolable, I will treat in like manner heard from the unanimous with the procurators of Spain and of the declarations of persons respectable for their Indies: and order being restored, together zeal and knowledge, and from representawith the good usages under which the na- tions made to me from various parts of the tion has lived, and which the Kings my kingdom, in which are expressed the repugpredecessors established with its consent, nance and disgust with which both the Conevery thing that relates to the good of my stitution formed by the General and Extrakingdoms shall be solidly and legitimately ordinary Cortes, as well as the other poenacted, in Cortes legitimately assembled, litical establishments recently introduas soon as it may be possible to do so, in ced, are regarded in the provinces; order that my subjects may live prosperous considering also the mischiefs which have and happy, in one religion, and under one sprung therefrom, and would increase, government, strictly united by indissoluble should I assent to and swear to the said ties. In this, and in this alone, consist the Constitution; acting in conformity to such temporal felicity of a King and a kingdom, general and decided demonstrations of the which enjoy the title of Catholic, by way wishes of my people, and also because they of eminence; and immediately preparations are just and well founded; I declare, that shall be made for what may appear best my royal intention is, not only not to swear towards the assembling of such a Cortes; nor accede to the said Constitution, nor to in which, I trust, the bases of the prospe- any Decree of the General and Extraordirity of my subjects, in both hemispheres, nary Cortes, and of the Ordinary at premay be confirmed. The liberty and securi- sent sitting, those, to-wit, which derogate ty of persons and property shall be firmly from the rights and prerogatives of my secured by means of laws, which, guaran- sovereignty, established by the constitution teeing public liberty and order, shall leave and the laws under which the nation has to all that salutary liberty, whose undis- lived in times past, but to pronounce that turbed enjoyment distinguishes a moderate Constitution and such Decrees null and of from an arbitrary and despotic Govern- no effect, now, or at any other time, as if ment, and in which the citizens subject to such acts had never passed, and that they the former ought to live. This just liberty are entirely abrogated, and without any all likewise shall enjoy, in order to commu- obligation on my people and subjects, nicate through the press their ideas and of whatever class and condition, to fulfil thoughts, within those limits, however, or observe them. And as he who should which sound reason imperiously prescribes attempt to support them, and shall thus to all, that it may not degenerate into licen- contradict my royal proclamation, adopted tiousness; for the respect which is due to with the above agreement and assent, will religion and the government, and that which attack the prerogatives of my sovereignty, men mutually owe towards each other, can and the happiness of the nation, and will under no civilized government be reason- cause discontent and disturbance in my ably permitted to be violated and trampled kingdoms, I declare, whoever shall dare to upon with impunity-All suspicion, like- attempt the same will be guilty of High wise, of any dissipation of the revenues of Treason, and as such subject to capital puthe State shall cease; those which are as-nishment, whether he perform the same by signed for the expences required by the honour of my royal person and family, and that of the nation whom I have the glory to govern, being separated from the revenues which, by the consent of the kingdom, deed, by writing, or by words, moving and exciting, or in any other way exhorting and persuading, that the said Constitution and Decrees be kept and observed. And in order that, until public order be 66 and unchangeable will is to accept of no restored, together with the system observ- | respecting the occupation of the throne of ed in the kingdom prior to the introduc- Naples :-Declaration. Ferdinand tion of these novelties, for the attainment IV. by the Grace of God, King of the 'T'wo of which suitable measures saall be taken Sicilies, and of Jerusalem, Infant of Spain, without delay, the administration of justice &c. Profoundly indignant at the perfimay not be interrupted, it is my will, that dious report spread by our enemies, that in the mean time, the ordinary magistracies we have renounced, or that we are disposed of towns shall be continued as now esta- to renounce, our rights to the Kingdom of blished, the Courts of Law where there are Naples, we think it our duty to make such, and the Audiencias, Intendents, and known the falsehood of such reports to the other judicial tribunals; and in the politi- powers, our Allies, to all nations, and cal and administrative branches, the com- particularly to our subjects, and very mon councils of towns according to their dear children of the kingdom of Napresent constitution, until the Cortes, who ples, by declaring solemnly that we never shall be summoned, being heard, the stable have renounced, and that we are unorder of this part of the Government of the alterably resolved never to renounce, our kingdon be assented to. And from the legitimate and incontestible rights to the dav on which this my Decree shall be pub-kingdom of Naples, and that our fixed lished and communicated to the President for the time being of the Cortes at present met, the said Cortes shall cease their sittings; and their acts with those of the preceding Cortes, together with whatever documents or dispatches shall be in their of fice of archives and secretaryship, or in the possession of any other individual whatever, shall be collected by the person charged with the execution of this my Royal Decree; and shall be deposited for the present in the Guildhall of the city of Madrid, the room in which they are placed being locked and sealed up the books of their library shall be conveyed to the royal library; and whosoever shall endeavour to obstruct the execution of this part of my Royal Decree, in any way whatever, I also declare him guilty of High Treason, and that as such the punishment of death shall be inflicted upon him. And from this day shall cease in every tribunal of the kingdom all proceedings in any cause, now pending for any infraction of the Constitution, and and those who, for such causes, have been imprisoned or arrested, shall be immediately at liberty. Such then is my will, because the welfare and happiness of the nation require it.-Given at Valencia, the 4th of May, 1814.-I, THE KING.—Pedro de Macanez, Secretary of Decrees As Captain General of New Castile, Political and Military Governor of the whole Province, and by order of his Majesty Don Ferdinand VII. whom God preserve, I cause it to be published.--FRANCISCO RAMON DE ECUIA Y LETONA.-Madrid, May 11, 1814. NAPLES. From the following Document, it appears that Murat is likely to have some trouble with Ferdinand the IV. PEACE.-The Courier, of last night, states on this subject, that " Accounts from Lord Castlereagh, dated on Tuesday last, have been received, which, it is reported, announce that the Peace was to be signed on Wednesday last-that the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia meant to set. out for this country positively on Monday next. They may be expected on Wednesday or Thursday. They are to land at Dover, and a Telegraphic Message to that effect is understood to have been sent off this morning to his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence. The Emperor of Germany proceeds almost immediately to Italy upon. very important business.” ERRATUM.--In the last Register, page 643, line 24, from the bottom, for many hundreds of thousands of lives," read livres. 66 Printed and Published by J, MORTON, No. 94, Strand. VOL. XXV. No. 23.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 4, 1814. [Price 18. 705] TO THE PEOPLE OF SOUTHAMPTON, ON THE CORN BILL. -[706 It shall be my endeavour, as it is my duty, to shew, that this objection of mine is well-founded; and, in order to do it in a clear and satisfactory manner, I will, as which you have caused to be published, under the signature of your Mayor, who, however, I am very far from regarding as the real mover of the question in your town, there being, manifestly, a stronger hand behind the curtain, pushing the matter forward. MY WORTHY BUT DELUDED NEIGH-I proceed, quote the several Resolutions, BOURS.-Having read your RESOLUTIONS, on the subject of the Corn Bill, signed by Mr. JOHN ROWCLIFFE, the Mayor of your town, upon which Resolutions, it appears, you are now about to frame a Petition against the said Bill; and being convinced, that the views of the matter, taken in those Resolutions, are extremely erroneous, I think it right to endeavour to shew you that you are in error. 66 66 "RESOLUTION 1st. That for several years past the price of wheat and other grain has been excessively high throughout this kingdom, and that the consequent distress has been considerably felt by all classes of society; while the poorest classes have occasionally been sorely and "nions. Before I proceed to this, however, I" must premise, that I myself disapprove, not only of the proposed Corn Bill, but of " any and every Bill, or law, that has been," or can be, passed upon the subject. I look" severely tried with all the evils insepaupon such laws as wholly useless, and as "rable from dearth and indigence. always attended with a greater or less de- "RESOLUTION 2d.-That this Meeting gree of injury to the country. I am of "had earnestly hoped, in behalf of themopinion, that the trade in corn should al-❝ selves and their poorer fellow-subjects, ways be perfectly free, let its price be what" who have in general borne the calamities it may; and that the trade in all other" of the times with most laudable and products should be the same. I, there-" I, there-" exemplary patience, that the return of fore, would have chearfully signed your "Peace would have alleviated the distress Petition, had it simply prayed for the not" that has been so long experienced, and passing of the proposed law. But, if your" would have carried comfort and plenty Petition had been handed to me, I would" into every part of his Majesty's dominot have signed it; because it seems to me to be founded on, and to give sanction to, "RESOLUTION 3d.-That this Meeting notions relative to the causes of high wrong are struck with great apprehension as to price and public distress; because it seems "the effects which they conceive will ineto me to be calculated (and was, perhaps, vitably follow from the enactment of a by its chief promoters intended) to keep "Bill which is now depending in the House the people of this country in a state of" of Commons, on the subject of the Corn blindness, as to the causes of their miseries," Laws; which must at once sweep away in which state of blindness they have lived" all hope of a reduction in the price of the for more than twenty years past. Your" most necessary article of human subsistResolutions contain many propositions un- "ence: fearful lest the disappointment of supported by reason or fact; but my great" expectations long cherished, during a objection to them is, that they are calcu-"most protracted and anxious contest with lated to withdraw the minds of the people" foreign powers, should excite at home, from the TRUE CAUSES of the distresses" among the suffering classes of the comand miseries, of which they speak, and to "munity, a spirit of discontent and dissadirect them towards false objects; and, by" tisfaction, at a moment when it is most that means, to put off the period of the ap- fervently to be wished that this kingdom plication of an effectual remedy. "should find rest from that tedious course 66 66 "of suspense and calamity, in which fo- |-you, that the idea of an inseparable con- nection between peace and plenty is directly in the teeth of all those assertions, which the advocates of war have been maintaining for the last twenty years. They have always contended, that the war was not the cause of distress that the people were better fed and better clad than they were ever before; that the nation was at the height of prosperity and that veteran you so highly compliment, has taken infinite pains to prove, that the population has been increasing during all this bloody war; a proof, according to him, of the increasing happiness of the people. But, now, all at once, he seems to have discovered, that war was a cause of distress and misery! So it has been, indeed, but not in the way that he would now have us believe. I wonder why you should have introdueed this latter sentiment, secing that it could do no good, and seeing, that the point might be disputed with you. I, for instance, deny, that it was "foreign ambition and tyranny" that involved us in the war. But, I will, as far as it is possible, keep all extraneous matter out of the discussion.placeman, old Mr. GEORGE ROSE, whom You assert here, at the outset, that the high price of corn has been the cause of distress; that you hoped, that the return of peace would have alleviated that distress; that peace would have carried comfort and plenty into every part of the king's dominions; and you fear, that, if the suffering classes should be disappointed in that hope, a spirit of discontent and dissatisfaction will arise throughout the country. From this it is manifest, you mean, THAT CORN IS USUALLY AT A LOWER PRICE IN PEACE THAN IT IS IN WAR. This is an error. It is, indeed, an error, into which others have fallen as well as you. The people at Portsmouth have promulga-dence, that the "social connection between ted the same sentiment. Mr. Waithman, in his speech to the Livery of London, is reported to have talked about "the social "connection between peace and plenty." The error is, therefore, not confined to you, But, it is still an error; and certainly not less subject to exposure, or more entitled to respect, because it is a vulgar error. The "social connection,” of which Mr. Waithman and you talk, has no existence in fact, and never can have such anexistence, until there is a connection "between peace and fruitful seasons. What does plenty mean? Why; abundance proportioned to our wants: And, what can possibly make one time more abundant than another, except the difference in the seasons ? Will any one say, that the blights or the mildews pay any respect to peace or war? Was it peace which gave us the feeding showers, the hot suns, the fine harvest of last year Or, is it rar, which has given us the cold and dry winds of this last month of May, and the white frosts which we have had, until within these four days? Does peace give us greater quantities of apples and peaches than war does? Why, then, should it give us greater quantities of corn? Upon the very face of the thing, these propositions contain absurdities too gross to Dilcgents. But the error exists, and it dicate it, first reminding 4 There are two modes of meeting and controverting any proposition: by refer ence to experience; or by the arguments which the case offers. The former is an appeal to facts; the latter to reason. I shall appeal to both, and with full confi “ peace and plenty," will be proved to be the fruit of vulgar error-an error having no better foundation, perhaps, than the alliteration which two very pretty words offered to the author of some ancient popular ballad. When these words were rung in our ears at, and soon after, the peace of Amiens, I took some pains to ascertain what experience said upon the point. Mr. ADDINGTON, who is now Lord Sidmouth, came into office, and made peace, in the year 1801. Bread, which had, owing to two bad crops and one bad harvest, in 1799 and 1800, become very dear in 1800, and in the first nine months of 1801, became cheap the moment peace was made. That was quite enough. Mr. Addington had given us PEACE and PLENTY. There needed nothing more. been dear in the two last years of the war; and, the moment peace was made, it became cheap. These two facts were put together, and the point was settled for ever. The vulgar notion was planted for the present generation. It was not considered what moment that was when peace was made. It was made in the end of September; that is to say, at the end of harvest; and that too, a very fine and most abundant harvest. This was wholly overlooked. This was too trifling a cir Bread had HALE |
