66 corps, in order to be incorporated there"with.----The Generals commanding the military divisions shall enforce the strictest "execution of this order, and shall render "account thereof to the Minister for the "War Department.--General Count "DUPONT, Minister Secretary of State for "the War Department." them hold those liberties sacred!-For the ever remain great and happy, and proclaim- ing a guarantee of their Liberties.-May, Sir, the Frince they recalled to reign over benefits of Peace, we ought to be truly thankful to Providence; as well as to those by whose valour and labours, er by whose virtue and wisdom they have, under Providence, been attained.--But, Sir, we should ill acquit ourselves of the duty we owe to WESTMINSTER ADDRESS.—ine inde-cur country, and to your Royal Highness, pendent inhabitants of this great city, are as the Representative of our sovereign, did the only persons who have followed the we not entreat you to couple with the example of the citizens of London, in Praise-worthy conclusion of the war its Blameable commencement.--Your Royal voting an Address to the Prince Regent Highness would then see, that what we now on the late termination of hostilities against contemplate as a happy result to France, France. I have subjoined a copy of this namely, the government of a represented Address, upon which some useful re- People by a laited King, might have conmarks may probably occur after it has been tinued as it then existed, without any war at presented, and an Answer given by the all-in that case, Sir, the world had not been disgusted by the atrocities of a RobesRegent. Meanwhile it may be stated, pierre, nor terrified by the portentous power that the Address, which was read by J. of a Bonaparte. In that case Europe had Lochee, Esq. moved by Major Cartwright, escaped a sacrifice of three millions of huand seconded by Peter Walker, Esq. was man lives and countless calamities. In unanimously approved of by a very large and that case, England had not seen degraded. respectable Meeting of the Electors of to paupers a million and a half of her industrious people, nor have felt the securge Westminster. Several spirited Resoluof a Taxation for paying the annual inte tions were also adopted without a dissent-rest of an incurred debt of eight hundred ing voice, except as to one about millions sterling,-As, however, Divine ProAmerica, to which an amendment was vidence brings good out of evil, and as it proposed by a person who said some- accords with experience, that a constant thing about the great wisdom which growth of knowledge is the effect of an Ministers had displayed in their conduct ever-operating cause, and eminently beneficial to civilized man; so we cannot but of the war, and talked loud about punish-attribute the moderation and wisdom, so ing the American savages. I could not eminently displayed by the Allied Sovelearn, the individual's name who proposed reigns, to that growth of knowledge, to that this amendment-but it was whispered diusion of truth, which, in our age, is daily that he was a Contractor; and his full enlightening the civilized world.--If, Sir, fledged plumage" shewed that, at least, their accompaniments of calamity, yet the the American and French Revolutions had he had not been a loser by the warlike innumerable discussions they generated, did mania. It was justly remarked by Sir also improve, in a high degree, the science Francis Burdett, that the proposed amend-of civil government--master science of ment had met its deserved fate, in being consigned to oblivion by the unanimous voice of the assembly. 66 ADDRESS TO THE REGENT. ERS OF THE CITY AND LIBERTIES OF WEST MINSTER. Princes and Statesmen. The Monarchs who have as virtuously as wisely guaranteed Peace, Greatness, and Liberty to France, as well as their Ministers and Warriors, must carry home with them from Paris the ciples of amendment, by which the condition seeds of amelioration, the scientific prinof their own subjects will be greatly bettered; and by which, without convulsion, their States may be rapidly made to enjoy that perfection of polity, that freedom and prosperity, which is equally the ornament and felicity of Princes and of People. In the political transactions of both hemis MAY IT PLEASE YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS. On a termination of the conflict with France, in which our country has so long been engaged---a termination as fortunate as it has been singular, we beg your Royal Highness to accept of our sincere congratulations. In a war so sanguinary, it has been a spectacle as novel, as auspicious to huma-pheres, those intelligent Monarchs must nity, to behold a coalition of Sovereigns, at the head of immense armies, on victoriously catering the capital of their enemy, inviting the People to choose the Constitution of Government under which they desired to live, expressing a wish that that People might have seen a full contrmation of this important truth, that "Representation was the happiest discovery of political wisdom." To this point, they must have observed, that all rational energies in pursuit of public freedom and happiness uniformly tend. 1 Wherefore, Sir, we cannot doubt, that in all with the highest admiration, the virtue and civilized countries Representation will in wisdom so conspicuous in the arrangements time attain perfection. When, Sir, your made on the first day of April at Paris, we Royal Highness shall reflect, that affer a are unable, Sir, to express the deep concern war of more than twenty years contin- and the shame we feel, touching the hos ance, originally undertaked for crushing the tile measure which your Royal Highness infint liberties of France, the existence of has been advised to sanction in respect of those very liberties is now found to afford Norway. If it be just that any one Nation tae only hop❤ of tranquillity to Europe, and shall provide for its own welfare and haphas therefore been made the basis of Peace, piness by the exercise of its own reason, we must, with additional earnestness, recur and the freedom of its own will, it must be to the impression we endeavoured three just that every Netion shall freely do the years ago to make on the mind of your Seme. England, Sir, can have no right to Royal Highness-an endeavour in which force on Norway a sovereignty to which she we trust, we succccded-in favour of such is adverse. For such a purpose, to draw a radical Reform in the Commons House of the sword were manifestly wicked; but to Parliament of our own country, as shall af attempt to subdue Independence, Innocence ford us the full benefit of Representation. and Patriotism, by the instrumentality of faIn our former Address to your Royal High- mine, were shockingly inhuman. We humness, we spoke of that Borough Faction bly, Sir, and mest anxiously intreat your which alike tramples on the Rights of the Royal Highness to save your country from Crown and Peopie. Were, Sir, that Faction this reproach; to avert from her this dishoto continue its daring inroad on the lude-nour. And, Sir, among the many happy pendence of the Throne, were it to con- results of the pacification of Europe, we tinue its deadly stabs to the Liberties of the contemplate, with inexpressible satisfaction, People.-were it to continue its depreda- the annihilation of the disputed points restions on the property of the nation-were,pecting the maritime rights of neutral nain short, our Freedom to be no more, of ions, which have constituted the ground what value Peace, or aught else on earth!-- of the ever-lamentable hostility in which In proportion, Sir, as a constitutional Com- we are engaged with the United States of mons House must be an object of unbounded America. Hence, Sir, we confidently trust, veneration, your Royal Highness will be that on both sides of the Atlantic the misensible that the existence of a Faction,series and immoralities of war will shortly which should greatly impair its excellence, must to every loyal mind be exquisitely painful. The yoke of a Faction-a domestic Faction-that had feloniously broken into the citadel of the Constitution and stolen our Palladium, were even worse than The Friends of the Freedom of foreign war itself. It were the tyranny of a few, who had no other claim to rule over Election will be gratified to find that the their fellow subjects than that of having Seventh Anniversary of the Election of robbed them. It were to bow the head and Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, to represent the bend the knce to an audacious corruption. City of Westminster in Parliament, is to It were the very lowest depth of disho-be celebrated at the Crown and Anchor Tanour. On the part, Sir, of an English Sovereign, on the part of an English People, vern, Strand, on Monday next, by a public dinner. The chair will be filled by Sir mission. A truly patriot Representative FRANCIS. The following, among other stands, however, pledged to his constituents respectable Gentlemen, intend to be preand his country, to bring before Parlia-sent:--E. B. Clive, Esq.; Sir John ment, at the first convenient opportunity, Throgmorton; Robert Knight, Esq.; J. their great question. It is, Sir, impossible Josling, Esq.; Thomas Northmore, Esq.; that Parliament should then be at war with W. J. Burdett, Esq.; R. M. Biddulph, England. It is impossible that it should not then imitate those Sovereigns who, Esq.; Mr. Alderman Wood; Henry even while at war with France, eagerly Brougham, Esq.; Hon. Thomas Brand; sought the opportunity of offering to her R. H. A. Bennet, Esq.; Thomas Creevey, their guarantee of all she claimed as her Esq. Francis Canning, Esq.; Gwynn, Rights and Liberties. After contemplating, | Esq.; Mr. Waithman. to such a Faction there could be no sub be at an end, and the whole civilized world repose under the peaceful olive; studying and practising only the social and moral duties, arts and accomplishments, for their general improvement and happiness. Printed and Published by J. MORTON, No. 94, Strand. VOL. XXV. No. 22.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1814. [Price 18. 673] ADDRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE. No. III. 66 -[674 the ground, that France, though she had changed her Ruler, was still the same, and was radically and systematically the enemy of England; and therefore, that it was the duty of every Briton to harbour a constant In the first Number of these Papers, ad- jealousy of her, and to endeavour, by all dressed to your Majesty, I assured you, the means in his power, to keep France in that, if you discovered an inclination to a state of weakness.- -Since the writing act fairly towards your people, you would of that paper, these same persons, increassoon become an object of censure, if not of ing daily in their hostility towards you and abuse, with those persons in England, who your family, as well as your people, have had been amongst the loudest in expressing proclaimed, that we Englishmen ought to their joy at your being called to the throne bear in mind "that the disgraceful interof France; and that your Majesty would, "ference of France in our quarrel with in that case, experience the curious change America, took place under a BOURof having for defenders those who were "BON ;" and, inferring from that fact, not for your recall, fearing that it might that we ought to be as jealous of you, as we prove injurious to the cause of freedom, were of Napoleon.It is impossible for not only in France, but throughout all Eu- malice to be discovered more clearly than rope. -By this time those who have read it is discovered here. What reason was these papers (amongst whom I am not vain there for the reviving of this subject? It enough to hope that your Majesty is one) must be manifest to your Majesty, that the will begin to perceive, that my opinion motive could have been no other than that was but too well founded; for, from the of paving the way for a series of hostile moment that it was seen, in this coun- conduct towards you.-But the cause of try, that your Majesty discovered no in- this hostility, so wholly unprovoked, ought tention to gratify the wishes of the ene- to be exposed to the world. It is no other mics of France; that you did not in- than this: that your Majesty has disaptend to plunge your country into a civil pointed these people in not making lists of war by reviving the animosities of past proscription; in not establishing a despotimes; that you did not intend to degrade tism; in not doing that, in short, which your country, to make her the prey of her would have totally mined either your peoneighbours and the scorn of the world; ple or yourself; in not doing, in other from that very moment the men, who, in words, that which would have made France this country, had been the forwardest in the most feeble and despicable nation upon urging your recall, began to change their earth. If these men had found you a ready tone respecting you.- -The point, aimed tool in their hands to raise the bloody flag at, and, I think, clearly established, in my of political revenge; if they had found last Number, was this, that the same per- you, upon your return, erecting scaffolds sons who recommended to your Majesty to whereon to murder those who had survived break your promise, to re-establish the an- the war and the intestine troubles of cient regime, and, in short, to oppress your France; if they had seen you drive from people; and who, at the same time, recom- your presence every man who has acquired mended to you most earnestly to slight and glory in the armies of France; if they had degrade the soldiers of the Revolution; seen you ready to agree to every proposithat these same persons recommended to tion, tending to the degradation of your the Allies to strip your Galleries and Mucountry; if, in short, they had seen in you seums, to keep their armies in France, and a manifest disposition to be at once a tyrant to retain their prisoners contrary to agree-and a traitor, you would have been, to this ment, to narrow your dominions, to suffer hour, as much an object of their praise as you you to have no Colonies; and that, too, upon were when you disembarked at Dover for Y 66 66 Calais.Your Majesty will hardly be- "sians, Spaniards, or whatever we are)suflieve, that the prints, which I am com"fered too much from the enormous milipelled to point out by name, speak merely "tary force of France, to permit it to be the sentiments of the owners or editors of " accumulated again into so formidable a those publications. You must be well mass, threatening at every moment to aware, that, if these persons, obscure and "break its bounds, and sweep away all becontemptible as they are of themselves, "fore it. It would be madness in Great did not know that their publications "Britain to restore to France, Ships, Colowould be palateable to others, they would" nies, and Commerce; to pour wealth so not send them forth.You, indeed," profusely into her lap, as the mere price must be well aware, that these owners of peace, if the first use she made of it and editors are little more than mise-" were to sharpen the sword for war. We rable tools in the hands of men of superior" perhaps pay too great a compliment to this abilities and more weighty interests; and, "loose and unauthenticated paragraph by notherefore, what they publish becomes entit-" ticing it; but if it be really true, we think led to more attention than if they were to "it is quite sufficient to make us pause before be considered as the mere offspring of the "we give up to France a single conquest, brain of these insignificant individuals.— or even restore an individual prisoner.". Every article of news from France, rela-I will not attempt to describe the feelings ting to your measures, becomes an object of which must agitate the breast of every criticism, with the persons to whom I al- Frenchman, upon the hearing of such imlude, who fail not to communicate regular-pudence and profligacy as this. Here we, ly their observations to the public. Amongst at once, see with what views it was that the last of these there are some very well these persons wished for your restoration. worthy of yourself and your people; for, in Here it becomes manifest, that they only them, you will not fail to see a new proof of desired that event in the hope of degrading the fact, which ought constantly to be kept and crippling France, having conceived in view; namely, that those who are the the notion, that your Majesty would be enemies of a free and just government in made a tool in the hands of the enemies of France, are also the enemies of a due share your country's greatness.- -What would of power being possessed by France; and, be said here, if the other Powers were to moreover, are your enemies, unless you will prescribe to us what army or what navy consent to be a foul traitor to your country.- we should keep up in time of peace?It was not Napoleon that these persons What an uproar such an idea would create hated so much as it was France! and this here! And what insolence, then, must it fact, which I formerly endeavoured to prove, be in these persons to hold forth the justice they now, of their own accord, prove to a and propriety of France being dictated to demonstration. They wish to see France in this respect!- -The number of troops despoiled of all power, of all greatness, and spoken of as the peace establishment of of all the means of becoming great. An France, will be less than her proportion, observation of theirs, relative to the mili- compared with the numbers kept up by tary force of France, to be kept up in time other Powers. We shall, in all probabiof peace, has made this a fact not to ad-lity, not come down so low as 100,000 mit of dispute. The publication, to which I here more particularly allude, was in the Times newspaper, of the 21st of May, in the following words:" It is stated, but we imagine with no offi"cial grounds of accuracy, that the Peace "Establishment of the French army is to "be 220,000 men, exceeding by 68,000 "the number of the army in 1792. Now, "if the French Government had adopted any such unwise and extravagant resolution, we should think it the duty of all the other Sovereigns of Europe to say at once, and without the least ceremony, "THE THING SHALL NOT BÉ. We have all (British, Germans, Rus men of all sorts, besides the half-pay list, amounting to many thousands. And France has more than three times our real population, we having no frontiers to guard, and she having many hundreds of miles of frontier.But, these matters are unworthy of notice, when we think of the impudent and infamous proposition to the Allies to COMPEL your Majesty to fix on such a peace establishment as they, or, rather, as these vile men may choose to leave you; and, what is still more infamous, the proposition to retain our prisoners of war, unless you consent to strip your country of the means of defence; unless you consent to annihilate the power of France. It is 66 66 66 "vereign incapable of maintaining their just rights. On the other hand, as we are rich in conquests, the restitution of which France must owe solely to our li berality, we have both the right and the power to insist on her doing justice in "return. We ought not to cede an inch "of territory to her, until she has agreed to an equitable commercial treaty; to a re"duction of her army within limits which "would leave us nothing to fear for the peace of Europe; and, lastly, to an abandonment of the slave-trade."- -Thus, 66 66 66 as your Majesty will see, they mean to have such terms as shall put the resources of France into hands not her own. They think, that you will be made to consent to reduce your kingdom to a sort of colony to England. If this were for the real be as well known to these vile men as it is to me, that there exists a Convention, according to which these prisoners are to be released forthwith; and yet, in the teeth of" this solemn compact, these men would retain the French prisoners, unless you consent to leave your country in a state of feebleness, that would make her an easy prey to all her neighbours. They have the profligacy openly, and in plain terms, to recommend a violation of a treaty, which has been fulfilled on your part already; and that, too, upon the ground, that in the arrangement of your own domestic concerns you do not act as they could wish. We have, in England, the most profligate writers in the whole world; but, even from their pens, any thing so very profligate as this has seldom issued.- They now discover their real motives for wish-nefit of England; if it would tend to our ing for the fall of Napoleon. They now dis- happiness and freedom, I am afraid, that I cover, that their cheerings of your Majesty myself might be tempted to wish for it too. on the occasion of your recall, arose from But, convinced that I am, that such a the hope of France becoming degraded and treaty as these men desire would be a real crippled in your hands.- -The treaty of injury to us; that it would tend to make peace now begins to be a subject of observa- us, the people in general, worse off than tion with them; and, it is worthy of your we now are; and that it would be to lay attention, how they here also shew their the foundation of a new war, I wish for desire to see you and your country de- fair and equitable terms of peace. I wish graded. They take fire at the expression to see France left in possession of great of the Paris journals, that the conditions power; because I am of opinion, that her are to be all honourable to France; and possessing great power will be for the good they particularly dwell upon a topic, well of the people of England. It is not necalculated to deceive the unthinking part cessary for me to state precisely how I of mankind; namely, that of the Abolition think that power is to operate in favour of of the Slave Trade.-The Courier, of the our liberties. It is sufficient for me, that 21st instant, observes, that "the King of I am convinced that it will so operate; "France has assumed a tone, which the and it is a strong presumption that this "Allied Sovereigns were not prepared to opinion is correct, that we see all the most expect." By Allied Sovereigns these deadly enemies of our freedom anxiously men mean themselves. They, indeed, ex-labouring to prevent France from retain pected you to be their slave; a vile tool in their hands.- -There are two points, on which they begin to harp pretty loudly: the commercial intercourse and the slavetrade, in neither of which the Continental Sovereigns have, in fact, any interest.As to these the Times says:- "As the negociation branches out into detail, "difficulties of various kinds must be expected to arise. It is said, and we can"not be surprised at it, that M. Talley"rand has started many objections against "the introduction of English manufactures, on the footing of the treaty of All reasonable modifications ought to be acceded to on our part. It "would not be a wise policy in us to hold 66 up Louis XVIII. to his people, as a So 66 "1786. 66 ing any power at all.- -The commercial treaty, existing before the Revolution, was very much complained of in France. It was certainly very advantageous to certain persons in England. But the Revolution has made great changes. France has now the means of manufacturing for herself. She has new resources. She will be able to feed a greater population. She will contain a greater mass of industry and enterprise. She is delivered of her load of debt. Her soil, climate, canals, rivers, and ports, offer abundant means for all sorts of commercial enterprises. But, indeed, all tariffs ought to be thrown aside.French wine, oil, corn, and brandy, ought to come here freely and without duty; and France ought to be open to all our |
