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tion of the game in these capitaineries, it | Such were the exertions of arbitrary power must be observed, that by game must be which the lower orders felt directly from understood whole droves of wild boars, the royal authority; but, heavy as they and herds of deer not confined by any wall were, it is a question whether the others, or pale, but wandering, at pleasure, over suffered circuitiously through the nobility: the whole country, to the destruction of and the clergy, were not yet more opcrops; and to the peopling of the gallies by pressive? Nothing can exceed the comthe wretched peasants, who presumed to plaints made in the cahiers under this head." kill them, in order to save that food which They speak of the dispensation of justice in was to support their helpless children. the manorial courts, as comprising every The game in the capitainerie of Montceau, species of despotism: the districts indeter-" in four parishes only, did mischief to the minate-appeals endless-irreconcileable amount of 184,263 liv. per annum. No to liberty and prosperity-and irrevocably wonder then that we should find the peo- proscribed in the opinions of the public ple asking, "Nous demandons à grand cris augmenting litigations-favouring every la destruction des capitaineries & celle de species of chicane-ruining the partiestoute sorte de gibier." And what are we to not only by enormous expenses on the most think of demanding, as a favour, the per- petty objects, but by a dreadful loss of mission-" De Nettoyer ses grains de fau- time. The judges commonly ignorant precher les prés artificiels, & d'enlever ses tenders, who hold their courts in cabarets, chaumes sans égard pour la perdrix on tout and are absolutely dependant on the seig autre gilier." Now, an English reader neurs. Nothing can exceed the force of will scarcely understand it without being expression used in painting the oppressions told, that there are numerous edicts for of the seigneurs, in consequence of their preserving the game which prohibited feudal powers. They are "vexations qu' weeding and hoeing, lest the young par- sont le plus grand fléau des peuples.*~ tridges should be disturbed; steeping seed, Esclavage affligeant.—Ce regime deseslest it should injure the game; manuring treuse.. with night soils, lest the flavour of the partridges should be injured by feeding on the corn so produced; mowing hay, &c. before a certain time, so late as to spoil many crops; and taking away the stubble, which would deprive the birds of shelter. The tyranny exercised in these capitaineries, which extended over 400 leagues of country, was so great, that many cahiers demanded the utter suppression of them.

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That the feodalité be for ever abolished. The countryman is tyrannically enslaved by it. Fixed and heavy rent; vexatious processes to secure them; preciated unjustly to augment them: rens, solidaires, and revenchables; rents, chéants, and levantes; fumages. Fines at every change of the property, in the direct as well as collateral line; feudal redemption de Paris, p. 25.-Clergé de Mantes & Merlan, p. 45, 46.-Clergé de Laon, p. 11.-Nob. de Nemours, p. 17.-Nob. de Paris, p. 22—Nob. d'Arras, p. 29.

h Rennes, art. 12.

Nevernois, art. 43.

* Tiers Etat de Vannes, p. 24-That is: "Vex. "ations which are the greatest scourge of the "people."

T. Etat Clermont Ferrand, p. 52.—That is: "Cruel Slavery.".

"T. Etat Auxerre, art. 6.-That is: "This “ruinous system of governing.”

(retraite); fines on sale, to the 8th and
even the 6th penny; redemptions (rachats)
injurious in their origin, and still more so
in their extension banalité of the mill,"
of the oven, and of the wine and cyder-
press; corvées by custom; corvées by usage
of the fief; corvées established by unjust
decrees; corvées arbitrary, and even phan-
tastical; servitudes; prestations, extrava-
gant and burthensome; collections by as-
sessments incollectible; aveux, minus, im-
punissemens; litigations ruinous and with-
out end: the rod of seigneural finance for
ever shaken over our heads; vexation, ruin,
outrage, violence, and destructive servi-
tude, under which the peasants, almost on
a level with Polish slaves, can never but
be miserable, vile, and oppressed. They
demand also, that the use of hand-mills be
free; and hope that posterity if possible,
may be ignorant that feudal tyranny in
Bretagne, armed with the judicial power,
has not blushed even in these times at
preaking hand-mills, and at selling an-
ually to the miserable, the faculty of
bruising between two stones a measure of
buck-wheat or barley. The very terms
of these complaints are unknown in Eng-
land, and consequently untranslatable: they
have probably arisen long since the feudal
sytem ceased in this kingdom. What are
these tortures of the peasantry in Bretagne,
which they call chevanchés, quintaines,
sole, saut de poisson, baiser de mariées;
charsons; transporte d'œuf sur un cha-
Tette; silence des grenouilles; corvée a mi-

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By this horrible law, the people are bound to grind their corn at the mill of the seigneur only; o press their grapes at his press only; and to bake their bread in his oven; by which means the bread is often spoiled, and more especially wine, since in Champagne those grapes which, pressed immediately, would make white wine, by waiting for the press, which often happens, make red wine only.

• Tiers Etat Rennes, p. 159. P Rentes, p. 57.

This is a curious article: when the lady of the seigneur lies in, the people are obliged to beat the waters in marshy districts, to keep the froge silent, that she may not be disturbed; this

and

sericorde; milods; leide; couponage; car.
telage; barage; fouage; marechaussée; bán
vin; ban d'aout; trousses; gelinage; civerage;
taillabilitie; vingtain; sterlage; borde-
lage; minage; ban de vendanges; droit
d'accapte. In passing through many of
the French provinces, I was struck with
the various and heavy complaints of the
farmers and little proprietors of the feudal
grievances, with the weight of which their
industry was burthened; but I could not.
then conceive the multiplicity of the shac-
kles which kept them poor and depressed.
I understood it better afterwards, from the
conversation and complaints of some grand
seigneurs, as the revolution advanced;
I then learned, that the principal rental of
many estates consisted in services and feudal
tenures; by the baneful influence of which,
the industry of the people was almost ex-
terminated. In regard to the oppressions
of the clergy, as to tithes, I must do that
body a justice, to which a claim cannot be
laid in England. Though the ecclesiastical
tenth was levied in France more severely
than usual in Italy, yet was it never ex-
acted with such horrid greediness as is at
present the disgrace of England. When
taken in kind, no such thing was known in
any part of France, where I made inquiries,
as a tenth it was always a twelfth, or a
thirteenth, or even a twentieth of the pro-
duce. And in no part of the kingdom did
a new article of culture pay any thing:
thus turnips, cabbages, clover, chicoree,
potatoes, &c. &c. paid nothing. In many
parts, meadows were exempted. Silk
worms nothing. Olives in some places
paid-in more they did not. Cows po-
thing. Lambs from the 12th to the 21st
Wool nothing.-Such mildness, in the
levy of this odious tax, is absolutely un-
known in England. But mild as it was, the

duty, a very oppressive one, is commuted into a pecuniary fine.

+ Resumé des cahiers, tom. iii. p. 316, 317.

burden to people groaning under so many | whole of their jurisdiction; and of all other

the worse.

laws, these were sure to be the best obeyed; for as all infringements of them were brought before sovereign courts, composed of the same persons who had enacted these laws (a horrible system of tyranny!) they severity. It must appear strange, in a were certain of being punished with the last government so despotic in some respects as that of France, to see the parliaments iu without the King's consent, and even in every part of the kingdom making laws defiance of his authority.. The English, whom I met in France in 1789, were surprised to see some of these bodies issuing arrets against the export of corn out of the provinces subject to their jurisdiction, into the neighbouring provinces, at the same time that the King, through the organ of so popular a minister as Mons. Necker, was decreeing an absolutely free transport of corn throughout the kingdom, and even at the requisition of the National Assembly itself. But this was nothing new; it was their common practice. The parliament of Rouen passed an arret against killing of calves: it was a preposterous one, and opposed by administration; but it had its full

other oppressions, united to render their situation so bad that no change could be for But these were not all the evils with which the people struggled. The administration of justice was partial, venal, infamous. I have, in conversation with many very sensible men, in different parts of the kingdom, met with something of content with their government, in all other respects than this; but upon the question of expecting justice to be really and fairly administered, every one confessed there was no such thing to be looked for. The conduct of the parliaments was profligate and atrocious. Upon almost every cause that came before them, interest was openly made with the judges: and wo betided the man who, with a cause to support, had no means of conciliating favour, either by the beauty of a handsome wife, or by other methods. It has been said, by force; and had a butcher dared to offend many writers, that property was as secure against it. he would have found, by the under the old government of France as it is rigour of his punishment, who was his in England; and the assertion might pos- court in Louis XV.'s time; but the parliamaster. Inoculation was favoured by the sibly be true, as far as any violence from ment of Paris passed an arret against it, the King, his ministers, or the great was much more effective in prohibiting, than concerned: but for all that mass of the favour of the court in encouraging that propractice. Instances are innumerable, and perty, which comes in every country to be I may remark, that the bigotry, ignorance, litigated in courts of justice, there was not false principles, and tyranny of these boeven the shadow of security, unless the dies were generally conspicuous; and that parties were totally and equally unknown, dispute with a parliament, but the parlia the court (taxation excepted), never had a and totally and equally honest; in every ment was sure to be wrong. Their constiother case, he who had the best interest tution, in respect to the administration of with the judges, was sure to be the win-justice, was so truly rotten, that the memner. To reflecting minds, the cruelty and abominable practice attending such courts are sufficiently apparent. There was also

a circumstance in the constitution of these parliaments, but little known in England, and which, under such a government as that of France, must be considered as very singular. They had the power, and were in the constant practice of issuing decrees, without the consent of the crown, and which had the force of laws through the

bers sat as judges, even in causes of private property, in which they were themselves the parties, and have, in this capacity, been guilty of oppressions and cruelties, which the crown has rarely dared to attempt.

It is impossible to justify the excesses of the people on their taking up arms; they to deny the facts, for they have been proved were certainly guilty of cruelties; it is idle too clearly to admit of a doubt. But is it really the people to whom we are to impute the whole? Or to their oppressors, who had kept them so long in a state of bondage? He who chooses to be served by

.

may not find an interest in public confusions. They will always suffer much and long, before they are effectually roused; nothing, therefore, can kindle the flame, but such oppressions of some classes or order in the society, as give able men the opportunity of seconding the general mass; discontent will soon diffuse itself around; and if the government take not warning in time, it is alone answerable for all the burnings, and plunderings, and devastation, and blood that follow. The true judgment to be formed of the French revolution, must

slaves, and by ill-treated slaves, must know that he holds both his property and life by a tenure far different from those who prefer the service of well treated freemen; and he who dines to the music of groaning sufferers, must not, in the moment of insurrection, complain that his daughters are ravished, and then destroyed; and that his sons' throats are cut. When such evils happen, they surely are inore imputable to the tyranny of the master, than to the cruelty of the servant. The analogy holds with the French peasants-the murder of a seigneur, or a chateau in flames, is re-surely be gained, from an attentive consicorded in every news-paper; the rank of deration of the evils of the old government: the person who suffers, attracts notice; but when these are well understood-and when where do we find the register of that seig- the extent and universality of the oppression neur's oppressions of his peasantry, and his under which the people groaned-opexactions of feudal services, from those pression which bore upon them from every whose children were dying around them quarter, it will scarcely be attempted to be for want of bread? Where do we find the urged, that a revolution was not absolutely minutes that assigned these starving necessary to the welfare of the kingdom. wretches to some vile petty-fogger, to be Not one opposing voice can, with reason, fleeced by impositions, and a mockery of be raised against this assertion; abuses justice, in the seigneural courts? Who ought certainly to be corrected, and corgives us the awards of the intendant and rected effectually: this could not be done his sub-delegu's, which took off the taxes without the establishment of a new form of of a man of fashion, and laid them with government; whether the form that has accumulated weight, on the poor, who been adopted were the best, is another were so unfortunate as to be his neighbours? question absolutely distinct. But that the Who has dwelt sufficiently upon explaining above-mentioned detail of enormities pracall the ramifications of depotisms, regal, tised on the people required some great aristocratic, and ecclesiastical, pervading change is sufficiently apparent." the whole mass of the people: reaching, like a circulating fluid, the most distant Many opposing voices have been raised; but so little to their credit, that I leave the pascapillary tubes of poverty and wretchedsage as it was written long ago. The abuses ness? In these cases, the sufferers are too that are rooted in all the old governments of ignoble to be known; and the mass too in-Europe, give such numbers of men a direct discriminate to be pitied. But should a interest in supporting, cherishing, and defending philosopher feel and reason thus? should heabuses, that no wonder advocates for tyranny, mistake the cause for the effect? and giving and almost in every company. What a mass of of every species, are found in every country, all his pity to the few, feel no compassion people, in every part of England, are some way for the many, because they suffer in his or other interested in the present representation eyes not individually, but by millions?of the people, tithes, charters, corporations, The excesses of the people cannot, I re-monopolies, and taxation! and not merely to the things themselves, but to all the abuses atpeat, be justified: it would undoubtedly tending them; and how many are there who have done them credit, both as men and derive their profit or their consideration in life, christians, if they had possessed their new not merely from such institutions, but from the acquired power with moderation. But let evils they engender! The great mass of the it be remembered, that the populace in no people, however, is free from such influence, and will be enlightened by degrees; assuredly country ever use power with moderation; they will find out, in every country of Europe, excess is inherent in their aggregate con- that by combinations, on the principles of liberty stitution; and as every government in the and property, aimed equally against regal aris. world knows, that violence infallibly at-tocratical, and nobbish tyranny, they will be tends power in such hands, it is doubly bination, which, on principles of plunder and bound in common sense, and for common despotism, is every where at work to enslave safety so to conduct itself, that the people them.

able to resist successfully, that variety of com

Printed and published by J. MORTON, No. 94, Strand.

VOL. XXV. No. 19.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 7, 1814,

577]

are so.

[Price 18.

[578

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. -The conduct of the City of London, I mean of the Lord Mayor and AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. CITY AD- Corporation, exhibits an object well worthy DRESS. -Every day something of im- of our attention. Not a county has moved portance transpires as to the affairs of this in the way of addressing the Prince. Not great nation, which must necessarily be, a city, or town, besides London. Not for a while, the chief object of our atten- even one of those commodious and easilytion. It is of great consequence to ob- managed little bodies, called loyal and serve the feeling, which the late change in ancient Boroughs. There seems to be a France has produced, and is daily pro- general coldness upon the occasion; the ducing in England. So general as was the bride has no sooner been enjoyed than cast wish for the fall of Napoleon, and so away.Say, ye sons and daughters of strong the apparent conviction, that it was war, what is the cause of this? but, lest he, and only he, that stood between us and you should not, I will say it for you.-I political happiness, that one would natural- have before observed, and I now repeat it ly have expected to see a corresponding upon the conviction of experience, that satisfaction at the so long prayed-for event. those who profited directly by the war, reBut, somehow or other, there prevails angret its discontinuance; but, there is anoastonishing coldness and indifference. The ther class, who, not wishing for war in honey-moon has passed away as quickly as the abstract, regret that the war has terin cases where the bride is a piece of patch-minated in the manner that it has ter, work and paint, and where the lately an- minated. I allude to that class of perxiously expecting lover has sufficiently sons, who are the enemies of liberty in recovered his senses to be able to estimate all cases; who, not without a selfish mothe real value of his prize.-Must it not tive, however, dread the triumph of freeappear wonderful, that this event should dom, in any part of the world; and who have excited no impression of joy to last think nothing gained so long as any one for ten days? Indeed, there were reasons, principle of the rights of the people remain as I stated before, why it should not, not rooted out.- -It has been observed, observed, that all those who had been the that the endless crowds of contractors, loudest at former rejoicings, were persons professors of military tactics, pursers, payprofiting by the war, who, of course, would masters, barrack-masters, doctors, proctors, not long rejoice at an event which promis- agents, commissaries, inspectors, commised them, or, rather, the country, real peace. sioners, &c. &c. together with all their But, still, one would have thought, that, deputies, clerks, &c. having become rich for mere decency's sake, they would have by the war, will now retire and enjoy their put on the outward appearance of joy, ariches in peace, But those who make sham satisfaction at the accomplishment of this observation, seem to forget, that there their so-long professed wishes. They have is a succession of beings, who feed on war, not, however, been able to get the better of as well as of all the other descriptions of inward and real chagrin at the result of animated nature. Granted, that the fullthe war with France. They preserve a plumed PURSER, for instance, will not only. sulky silence; they come forward with none be content to retire upon his gains of their addresses to the Government, as and enjoy the shade of trees formerly they have been accustomed to at events, the property of some ancient house, but tending to prolong the war and to extin- that his moderation and modesty may guish freedom. They resort to none of induce him to use all the means in his their old tricks of delusion. They are power to efface the recollection of the chop-fallen, and, at first blush of the mat- source, whence those gains were detes, į seems difficult to explain why they rived. But, it should be recollect

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