:

Suf

famy, there is no public feeling in this in something more than dreams of the most
country stronger than that of indignation unmeasured ambition. We need not here
against the Americans. That a republic detail the long history of fraud and false-
boasting of its freedom should have stoop-hood by which he at length succeeded in
ed to become the tool, of that monster's deluding his countrymen into war.
ambition; that it should have attempted fice it to say, he had two objects in that
to plunge the parricidal weapon into the war:first; to sap the foundations of our
heart of that country from whence it's own maritime greatness, by denying the alle-
origin was derived; that it should havegiance of our sailors; and, secondly, to
chosen the precise moment when it fancied seize on our colonial possessions on the
that Russia was overwhelmed, to attempt main land of America, leaving it to a fu-
to consummate the ruin of Britain-all this ture occasion to lay hands on our insular
is conduct so black, so loathsome, so hate- settlements in the West Indies. Perhaps,
ful, that it naturally stirs up the indigna- when he finds himself unexpectedly de-
tion that we have described. Nevertheless prived of the buckler under which he aim-
there is in this case the same popular error, ed these stabs at our vital existence-the
that there was, not long since, when France mighty. NAPOLEON, the Protector in petto
was identified in the minds of most, men, of the Columbian Confederacy - he may
with the name of BUONAPARTE. The be willing to draw in his horns, and sneak
American Government is in point of fact, away from his audacious undertakings.
as much a tyranny (though we are far from But shall we have the extreme folly to let
saying it is so horrible a one) as was that him off thus? When we have wrested the
of BUONAPARTE and as we firmly urged dagger from the bravo's hand, shall we
the principle of No Peace with BuONA- quietly return it to him to put up in its
PARTE; so to be consistent with ourselves, sheath No. No. Mr. MADISON him-
we must in like manner maintain the doc- self, in his very last public speech, has fur-
trince of NO PEACE WITH JAMES nished us with a most apposite rule of con-
MADISON. The reasons for this are duct, which he cannot blame us for adopt-
twofold, as respecting this country, and as ing, since he avowedly follows it himself-
respecting America. A very little reflec-namely, that we should not only chastise
tion will render them sufficiently manifest. the Savages into present peace, but make a
-In the first place, hatred of England is lasting impression on their fears.' — Hither-
the fundamental point in the policy of Mr. to we have considered the Americans as
MADISON. He is the ostensible organ of identified with Mr. MADISON'S govern-
a party, all whose thoughts, feelings, and ment; but is this the fact? So much the
sentiments are guided by this master key. reverse, that it has been openly proposed
Some of the statesmen of this school have in some of the States to treat for peace
not blushed to assert in full Senate, that with Great Britain separately; and they
the world ought to rejoice, if Britain were would act wisely and justifiably in adopt-
sunk in the sea;' if, where there are now ing this measure. The Eastern States, the
men, and wealth, and laws, and liberty, most moral, the most cultivated, the most
there were no more than a sandbank for intelligent, the best in every respect, are
the sea-monsters to fatten on, a space for at this instant reduced to a complete thral
the storms of the ocean to mingle in con- drom by the Southern States, under the
flict. Such is the deep-rooted antipathy forms of a constitution, which the prevail-
which these wicked men have to the landing faction violates at pleasure.
of their forefathers! With such men Mr. small States,' says FISHER AMES,
Fare
MADISON acts; and he himself before the now in vassalage: they obey the nod of
accession of his party to power, expressly Virginia. The Constitution sleeps with
laid it down as a principle (on the discus- WASHINGTON, having no mourners but
sion of Mr. JAY's negociation), that no the virtuous, and no monument but his-
treaty should be made with the enemy of tory. Our vote and influence (those of
France. His love for the latter country, the Eastern States) avail no more than that
however, was but an adjunct of the hatred of the Isle of Man in the politics of Great
which he entertained towards us; and he Britain. If this was true before the an-
hated us for the very same reason, that nexation of Louisiana, how much more
BUONAPARTE did-because we stand in strikingly so now, that that addition has
the way of any state that aspires at univer- quite broken down all balance between
sal dominion, for, young as is the, trans- the States, and poured an irresistible stream
atlantic Republic, it has already indulged of corrupt influence into the elramuel of the

.

The

1

Executive! What is very remarkable is, that the preponderance of the Southern States is chiefly owing to the slaves they contain! The number of votes which each State has in the national government, is determined by the whole population, Hence, though the slave has no political existence, he gives a weight to his master over a free man in a different State: and by another curious but not uncommon paradox in human nature, the slave owner there is generally a furious democrat, and the democrat has hitherto been the most servile of the tyrant's adherents. Clear, therefore, is it, that the free Constitution of the United States is either incompetent in itself to afford an equal protection to the wisest and best part of the Union; or else that Constitution has been violated and overthrown by the faction of which Mr. MADISON is the ostensible head; and, in either case, the oppressed States would act justly to themselves, to separate their inter-are men, who seriously entertain the wish ests from those of the incapable and treach erous individual who has dragged them reluctantly into a war no less inglorious than unjust. When we speak of these and the like crimes as perpetrated by Mr. MADISON individually, we only mean to use his name in the common way, in which persons in eminent stations are generally spoken of. He stands at the head of the list, not but that Mr. GALLATIN may be more artful, Mr. CLAY more furious, Mr. JEFFERSON more malignant, and so on; and besides, there is a ferocious banditti belonging to his party, of whom, perhaps, he himself stands in awe, and who, as they consist of Irish traitors, and fugitive bankrupts and swindlers, from all parts of the United Kingdom, may easily be conceived to exceed even the native Americans in rancour against Great Britain: but the more shameless and abandoned are the individuals who compose this faction, the greater odium must be cast on Mr. MADISON himself, in the eyes of the moral and reflecting part of the American population. It is a great mistake to suppose that the United States are wholly deficient in characters of this latter description. They have had many wise and many eloquent, men, whose words yet live in the hearts and in the meditations of their countrymen. Mr. WALSH, the accomplished editor of the American Review, has attained a high literary reputation even in this country; and though the late FISHER AMES (the BURKE of the western hemisphere), is not so much known in this country, he de-Our quarrel with America ceases with the

servedly enjoys a much greater popularity in America. These, and many more such writers as these, have kept alive the fire of genuine British liberty in the United States. Whilst, on the other hand, the miserable blunders of the DEARBORN's, and Hor KINS's, and WILKINSON'S, and HAMPTON's, and all the long list of defeated ge nerals, have thrown a ridicule on that invasion of Canada which was one of the great baits of the war. Lastly comes the fall of Mr. MADISON'S grand patron attended with the execration and scorn of all Eu rope. Can we doubt, that a vigorous effort on our part will annihilate the power of a faction alike hostile to Britain, and fatal to America? Is not the time propitious for winning at least the sounder and better part of the Americans to an union of interests with the country from whence they sprung?"--It is impossible to read this article, without being convinced, that there

to see America recolonized; who wish to see our king restored in America, as the Bourbons have been in France; for, Mr. MADISON is the chosen President of the Union; he does nothing of himself; it is the President, the Congress, and the People, all acting in concert. Yet, he is to be put down; no peace is to be made with him any more than with NAPOLEON; the government of the States is a tyranny; the constitution is violate, or is inefficient; its existence is inimical to lasting peace; the time is propitious for winning the sounder part of the States, at least, to un union of interests with the country whence they sprang.. These are sentiments and declarations to begin with; but, in fact, they go the whole length of recolonization; and that is the project now on foot amongst the foes of freedom, who seem to be resolved to prove to us, that those friends of liberty in America, who did not wish for the extinguishment of NAPOLEON, despot as he was, were not without sound reasons for their sentiments. They saw, that, though he had betrayed the republican cause, if he were put down there would be men ready to urge projects of the description of that of which we are now speaking. This language towards the United States was never made use of; sentiments like these were never hazarded, while NAPOLEON was in power; but, the moment he is down, these men turn their hostile eyes towards America, the only republic left upon the face of the earth!

war.

account; and, in short, that this might be made an immense source of income, and an infallible security to the paper-system.

There being peace in Europe, the quarrel is at an end without any discussions. But this writer passes over all the subject of quarrel. The American Presi- -Of politicians there will be two dedent and Government are bad. That is scriptions for the war: one will see in now, according to him, to be the ground America a dangerous maritime rival; a of the war; and, we are to have no peace maritime power which grows, like her own with them. I will pass over the impudent Indian corn, almost visibly to the eye. falsehoods, which this writer utters as to They will mix this apprehension with the the conduct of Mr. Madison and the nature the feelings of mortification and revenge and effects of the American Government; arising from the naval victories of America, and come at once to what is most interest- which are not to be washed away by the ing to us now; namely, FIRST, whether fall of NAPOLEON, nor of fifty Napoleons a war for the recovery of the American at his heels. These are honourable-mindStates as colonies would be popular in ed inen, loving their country; not able England; and SECOND, whether it would to endure the idea of her ever, at any time, be likely to succeed.As to the first, ceasing to be mistress of the ocean, and so I have no hesitation in expressing my terrified at that idea as to lose sight, in the belief, that it would be, for a while at pursuit of a preventive remedy, all notion least, the most popular war in which of justice, humanity and freedom. AnoEngland was ever engaged, the reasons ther description of politicians, animated for which opinion I will now state.- solely by their hatred of whatever gives liIn the first place, peace, real and lasting berty to man, will see in America, what, peace, and a vast reduction of our forces, indeed, they have always seen, and for would be total ruin to a great number of which they have always hated her, an persons and families. All these will wish asylum for the oppressed; a dwelling for for ever, no matter with whom, or upon real liberty; an example of a people, enwhat grounds. They will be for the war joying the height of prosperity and the for the same reason that undertakers are greatest safety of person and property, for deaths, and without being, any more without any hereditary titles, without any than these, chargeable with any malicious army, and almost without taxes; a counmotive.The farmers will be for war, try, where the law knows nothing about upon much about the same principles; they religion or its ministers; where every man being of opinion, no matter whether erro-pursues his own notions in religious matneously or not, that war makes corn dear.ters; where there are no sinecures, no Here are two very numerous classes of pensions, no grants of public money to in persons. A third is the land-owners individuals; where the people at large choose general, who believe, that peace will lower their rents, without lowering their taxes. -The ship-owners and builders fear America, who can build and sail much cheaper than they can, and who, if left at quiet, would cover the sea with their ships. The great manufacturers ever will be for a war, likely, as they think, to tear up, root and branch, those establishments which are not only supplying America herself, but must, in a few years, especially with the emigration of artizans to America, become our rival, and supplant us, all over the world. Besides, if America were to be recovered, we should, they think, have a monopoly of supplying her.--Even the .stock-holders, though they might, generally wish for peace, might probably be persuaded, that the recolonization of America would afford the means of lessening the national debt; that America might be made to bear a share of the debt; that the lands there might be sold for our

their representatives in the legislature, their presidents, governors, and sheriffs, where bribery and corruption are unknown, and where, the putting of a criminal to death is nearly as rare as an eclipse of the Sun or Moon. This description of politicians look at America as Satan is said to have eyed our first parents in the Garden of Eden; not with feelings of envy, but with those of deadly malice. They would exterminate the people and burn up the country. The example of such a people

sears the eye. balls. They will tell us, that, while that example exists, nothing is done; nothing is secured; nothing is safe: they will endeavour to terrify the government and the nation by describing the emigrations which will take place from Europe; the numbers of artizans and of people of enterprize that will crowd to America, adding to her population, extending her knowledge, increasing her means of all sorts, and enabling her, in a short

i

Eastern States, will heartily participate in our joy at the fall of NAPOLEON and the restoration of the Bourbons. Will they. sot, on the contrary, be terribly alarmed? And will not those, who have cried out against the government for aiding Naro LEON, as they called it, begin to fear the consequences of his fall, when the project of the Times reaches their ears, and when they find that there are writers in England, who already openly propose to make war upon them for the express purpose of subverting their government and effecting. in America what has been effected in France, namely a restoration? Mr. AMES is complimented by this writer as the BURKE of America, and I dare say, that Mr. AMES would have liked very well to get a pension of three thousand pounds a,

time, to spread far and wide what they call her diorganizing principles.This last descripion of politicians have the press greatly in their hands, the press is the most powerful instrument; and it will, in this case, ave prejudice, supposed private interest, passion, and all in favour of its efforts. These are the reasons, on which I found my opinion as to the popularity of such a war, but, yet, I hope and trust, that the Ministers and the Prince Regent will not be carried away by such notions. It is for them to consider, what is best for the country, and permanently best; and not to suffer their judgment to be warped by an out-cry, proceeding from the selfishness of some and the rage of others.With regard to the SECOND question: whether a war for the recolonization of America would be likely to succeed? Iyear; but, in that respect he was not so, 2 think it would not. I must, however, lucky as his great prototype. Mr. AMES, confess, that I agree with the author of the was a poor drivelling hankerer after arisabove article, that the time is propitious tocracy. His party wished to establish a in the highest degree. Not only have we sort of petty noblesse: they wanted to an army ready organized; composed of make some honorary distinctions. The the best stuff; best commanded; best ap- people took the alarm; put them out of pointed and provided; best disciplined, in power, and they have ever since been en the world, but we do not know what to do deavouring to tear out the vitals of their with it in the way of employment, and it country. The fall of NAPOLEON; howwould be, for a year, at least, as expensive ever, will leave them wholly without supin peace as in war. We have more than a port from the people, when that people, sufficiency of ships of war to carry this hears that the first consequence of that army across the Atlantic, without crowd-fall is a proposition, in the English public ing and without the aid of a single trans-prints, to treat THEIR government as that port In Europe we have nothing to fear. of NAPOLEON has been treated, and upon France, will, for some years, have enough precisely the same principle, namely, that to do at home. It is the same in Spain it is a despotism. As I said before, I trusty and Holland; and, besides, what are any that our government is too wise to be led of them to do without fleets, and where, to the adoption of any such project; but, in the whole world is there a fleet but in if they were, what could our friends in England-Now, then, what are the Ame-America say? They have been asserting, ricans to do against this army and this fleet? I have no doubt, that our army would waste the sea-coast; that it would, at first, beat the Americans wherever they met them; that it would, if it chose, demolish some towns and occupy others; that it would make the Congress change its place of sitting; but, quless the States divided, I have no idea, that such a war would finally succeed, and it appears to me, that the fall of Napoleon, especially coupled with what will be deemed the ruinous language of the Times news paper, will infallibly silence the voice of faction in America, and will make the whole of the people of one mind as to the necessity of providing for resistance. The Times seems to sup pose, that the people of America, or, at least, a part of them, and especially in the

for years past, that ours was the cause of
freedom against a despot. What will they
say if we make war upon them upon the
same principle, and for the same end, that
we have been making war against Naeo-
LEON? By Mr. Jefferson and his party it
was always concluded, that there was no
danger to be apprehended from France,
under any circumstances, and that if
France, if the new order of things was
subdued in France, America would be
in great danger. Therefore they always
wished, and they acted as if they wished,
that France should not be defeated in the
result of the war.
It is in our power, by
making peace with them at once, and
waving all dispute about differences that
cannot arise during peace, to show them
that their fears were groundless; but wil

they not, when they see the project of the alluring bait: it presents emphyment for Times news-paper, hold it up to the teeth Governors of Provinces, Commanders, of their political adversaries, and say, “look | Post-masters, Attorneys and Soltitors-Gehere! Here is the first fruits of the fall of neral, Secretaries, Councillors of State, the man whose destruction you told us we Taxing People, Pay-masters, Fulges, and ought to assist in producing, and to do any a long and nameless list of haigers-on thing in the upholding of whom you re- lart, again, I say, I hope and rust, that presented as impolitic and base." This the Prince Regent and his Ministers will will be their language to those adversaries, have too mich wisdom to listen to any who will hang their heads with shame, such mad and wicked project. It is imunless the author of the Times can make possible, however, for the people of Amea shift, some how or other, to convey to rica not to feel some alarm, and not to them a small portion of his impudence make přeparations accordingly. This lanI think it is clear, then, that the people of guage of our news-papers is quite enough America would, in case such a war were to to excite apprehension; and for this, be made upon them, be united in a spirit of amongst the rest, we have to curse a base resistance; and, if they were, I have no and degenerate press. ~ idea, that ten such artnies as all that we could send, well-disciplined and brave as NEW FRENCH CONSTITUTION. our army is, would finally succeed in sub- Whenever I find the Courier and other duting and recolonizing the country. We hireling prints praising any public measure; might make inroads from Canada; we whenever I read an eulogium in these sermight demolish towns upon the coast; we vile journals on any legislative act of our might destroy manufactories; we might own, or another government, I immedilay waste the corn-fields, and burn many ately suspect something wrong; I am then of the mills; we might destroy all the convinced that some design is in contemshipping; we might tear the country a plation, to abridge the liberties of the peogood deal to pieces; but, I do not believe ple; that there is a stake in the grass that we should, even by adding another which, if not strangled in time, will sooner eight hundred millions to our debt, secure or later strangle those by whose sufferance one single colony in the territory now called it exists, and is permitted to become a danthe United States of America.--Yet, it gerous and formidable enemy. It is true, is really true, that the enemies of Freedom, that whether the new Constitution, which While America remains what she now is, France is about to receive, be acted upon have gained nothing. NAPOLEON has or not, the situation of the French people been put down; but, then he was an ene- will be better than it was before the Revomy of freedom. He e was not owned by lution, and perhaps better, for some time any friend of freedom. France was not a at least, than our own condition under our republic, nor had she a representative go-present "glorious and happy establishvernment under him. The war against ment." But if this is all that the inhabihim was in the name, at least, of the peo tants of France are to gain by the change; ple. The example; so hateful to the ene-it, after the oceans of blood which have mies of liberty, of a people happy and free, without distinction of ranks, without an established church, without hereditary power or privilege of any sort, with a press how perfectly free, with legislators and chief-magistrates periodically elected by the people at large, this example still exists, and this country is yet open to all the world; and, to put down this example would, I am of opinion, cost us more blood and more money than it has cost us to put down NAPOLEON. The enemies of freedom promised as peace, durable peace, if we got rid of NAPOLEON; but, scarcely is he down, when they propose to us a new war, more, if possible, expensive in its nature, and, probably, longer in its duraton. To be sure, America holds out an

been shed, during a revolutionary struggle of more than twenty years to obtain a recognition of their just rights, under a free and representativegovernment; they should now revert to that system which put it in the power of their ancient monarchs, to render them the dupes and slaves of their caprice, or of that of an insolent minister, or a haughty mistress: if, I say, the French nation is to be placed in circumstances, in which there is a probability, or even a change of the former tyranny and despotism of the Capets being restored, it appears to me that the return of the Bourbons, instead of being a blessing to France, will be the greatest of all the curses with which she has been visited. Better, a thousand times better, would she have