of Germany, and leaving him, in fact, master of Holland; and, by what rule of morality are the Allies to refrain from making peace with him now? Why are they to consult us, who never consulted them at Amiens ?- As to what this writer says about selling Austria at defiance, it is little better than the dream of a maniac. She is to be first combated in council; but, if that fails, the other of the Allies are to reject her policy in the field; that is to say, they are to fight her; for there can be no other meaning in the words. They are to fight her in order to compel her to continue fighting against France! In other words, a new war is to commence, in which France and Austria and Naples are to fight against Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and us; for, as to Holland, the work is not yet above half done in that country. If this were to take effect, we should see the French at Berlin again in two months, and much sooner than that at Amsterdam.- What can these writers mean, then, by thus abusing and insulting Austria ?One would imagine, that they meant to do all the mischief in their power, They do, in one respect, for they wish to prevent peace at any price. But, their efforts must be unavailing if the Emperors of Austria and France agree upon the basis of peace. These two powers may dictate a peace to the Continent; and, as they have both the same interests with regard to Russia and Prussia, I think, that there can be no doubt of peace taking place. Russia, owing to the connivance of France, has poked her nose a good distance into the system of Europe. It has always been the policy of the Court of Vienna to keep her back. This policy will now revive, and will more easily admit of being enforced. Austria will no longer stand in need of the aid of Russia or Prussia. In short, every thing seems to me to combine to render peace between France and Austria a work of facility and of cordiality.A general peace must be the consequence, unless stick

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جمند

have no desire to dimrinisir the maritime means of Napoleon, especially as she so well knows how Holland will stand with regard to us.-- Our increased maritime power will, in her opinion, perhaps, stand in need of something to balance it. That balance is not to be found in Holland, where we have an army, and where we have so close a connexion with the rulers. Austria and Russia too may, therefore, not wish to destroy or to cripple the navy of France; but, rather to see it rise to something like a match for ours. In this case, the fleet in the Scheldt will not be destroyed, even, supposing the Allies to have the power of destroying it.- -There is no.... doubt that our government will endeavour to procure such terms of peace as shall drive the French across the Rhine and out of the Brabants; but, it requires a larger view of things than we have been, of late, accustomed to take, in order to be able to judge, with any chance of correctness, what is likely to be the result of the measures/ and projects now on foot; but, at any rate, it is impossible that it can be wise in us to abuse the Austrian government, who bas so much in its power as to the making of peace.

INVASION OF FRANCE.France is, at last, actually invaded by a large army, and the Emperor Napoleon appeals to the Frenchpeople, and calls on them to rally round him. We shall now liave complete proof, in a very few weeks, upon the most interesting of all points: namely, whether the people of France be really for or against: him. They will now, if they wish to cast him off, have the power to do it with safety; and, if they do not do it, we must take it for granted, that they desire not to change.As to the act of invasion it is nothing in itself. It is only walking across. an undefended boundary, which boundary' is of no other nature than that between.. Middlesex, and Essex. If Napoleon has an we a army of any thing like the numerical force of the invaders, he will, if the people he on his side, assuredly beat these invaders; and, one battle lost by them will lose them the half of what they have gained. →→→→ Perhaps the invasion has proceeded upon the supposition that in France the invaders: will find friends. It is not impossible that they may; but, in such a case, disappoint ment will be death.The measure which Napoleon has adopted of sending Extraoro: dinary Commissioners into the several countries menaced by the enemy puts one

out; and, if we stick out, we shall have a war of the most irksome, and, very soon, of the most unpopular kind, to sustain.The terms, which have been talked of, seem not likely to have been proposed; but, I think it probable, that the boundary of France will extend to the Rhine, Austria receiving an indemnity elsewhere. If this be the case, Antwerp will remain in the hands of Napoleon; and, indeed, if Austria abandons all pretensions to her territories in that quarter, she can

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such should be the effect of our pushing on the war, we shall yet have to thank those

establishing the throne of France, he has closed up the crater of the volcano which

in mind of the Commissaries, sent into the departments, during the revolution; and, it certainly shows, that he thinks great pre-who are urging it forward.There is cautions to be necessary. Yet, the lan- one passage in the Report of the Count de· guage of himself and that of the Reporter Fontanes, which is truly diabolical. After from the Gommittee do not discover fear of blaming the Allies for appealing to the peothe result. There is no attempt made to ple, in the Declaration from Frankfort, he disguise any thing from the people and proceeds thus; May not this exainthis, to me, is a sign, that, he has ple be fatal 2 Should it be given, espe confidence in them. We are not "cially at this period, when people's told what particular preparations are made," minds, agitated by all the diseases of or are making, to receive the enemy and pride, are so averse to bending under the to repulse him; but, we are not to con- "authority which protects them, while it clude from that, that very great prepara-represses their audacity? And against tions are not made; and, it is by no means "whom is this indirect attack; aimed? impossible, that Napoleon may wish to Against a great man, who merited the suffer the enemy to penetrate to a certain" gratitude of all Kings, because by rẻdistance before he gives him battle. All this, however, is merely conjecture. A few weeks, or a few days, may furnish us" threatened them all." This is, perwith facts. -In the mean while, our newspapers are publishing and re-publishing, day after day, the Proclamation of Louis XVIII. and giving their readers to understand, that it is our object to push on the war, till the Bourbons are on the throne. It must be very encouraging to the French people to see, that this Proclamation is patronised by those, who scruple not to designate the whole French nation as worthy of punishment for their past sins, and, at other times, to urge the necessity of crippling France for the good of mankind in general.- -If these benevolent persons should live to see their wishes ful-into the deepest well in Paris. What! filled, we may save ourselves the trouble of pitying the French; for, certainly, they will deserve no pity. They tell us, that, if the Bourbons were restored, there would no fear of the ancient abuses being re-established," which is confessing, at once, that the French did right in getting rid of the Old Government, though these people would have them punished for so doing. Napoleon is to fall, it is not beyond the compass of hope, that the Republic may revive; or, at least, that a something will arise, that will give a little new energy to the minds of men. It is of far less consequence who rules in France, than that France, the finest part of the world, should contain the elements for put-of war against the French; and, therefore, ting the rest of Europe in motion. No thing is so much to be dreaded as a quiet, calm despotism, let who will be the despot. Who knows, that, out of all this a state of things may not arise, in which men may not again, from the press of Paris, utter wholesome truths, without the fear of being killed for so doing? If

haps, one of the most wicked, as well as one of the most impudent paragraphs that ever dropped from the lips of mortal man.: This is really making a merit of one's shame. It was enough, one would have. thought, for the people of France to know, that their sacrifices for freedom had been d made almost in vain, without being insulted in this style, and being told, that their ruler, who now calls upon them to bleed i afresh, had been the cause of their failure, and that he gloried in it. Let us hope that this is not a fair translation. If it be Mr. Fontanes deserves to be tossed down i

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have the impudence to tell the people of France, that it is a merit in Buonaparte to have prevented them from destroying all those, by whom their country is now invaded! I should not be sorry if this paragraph were to be crammed down the throat of Monsieur de Fontanes at the point of a Cossack's spear.But, what have the Antijacobins i to say against it? It is in their style and manner, and breathes their sentiments. They went to war against the French people, in part, because they ap pealed to the people against their government. This was one of our alleged grounds of the war. The famous decree of No! vember 1792 was alleged by us as a ground

those who approved of that war, cannot find fault with the sentiments of Monsieur de Fontanes, Monsieur de Fontanes speaks of the Proclamation of the Duke of Brunswick, and of the indighant spirit which that roused in the French But, Monsieur de Fontanes, a word in your car The French people were not then told by

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their government, that "their minds were "agitated by all the diseases of pride, and "that they ought to bend under the autho "rity that repressed their audacity," No they were then called upon to deliver their country from the invasion of despots; that they were going to meet death of secure liberty. They were not told, that it was for thrones that they were to shed their blood; and, accordingly, they met, at once, and defeated the foe.It was the people who were then directly appealed to on both sides. There were no committees, making reports to Emperors, and Emperors making speeches to committees. The call was direct and plain, and it was answered by the voluntary march of hundreds of thousands. This speech, or rather this part of the speech of Monsieur de Fontanès, is more offensive than any thing I ever read as coming from the government of France. It indicates almost as great a contempt of the people as the sentiments which we some times hear uttered by pampered insolent men in this country; sentiments, the utter ance of which I thought would not have been endured in any country but our own

THE BOURBONS. Insolent, however, as is Monsieur de Fontanes, we must not put the sway of Napoleon in comparison, for a moment, with the horrible govern ment of the Bourbons. Our news-papers have published, for the third time, a Proclamation of Louis XVIII; and, in my next Number, I will, in behalf of the French people, give an answer to this Proclamation: a vik ,7%

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WM. COBBETT.

consequences so decisive of the happiness," and of the misery of the human race, where is the individual who can regard with indifference the discussion of topics which involve concerns of so vast a magnitude?

Who is the man that can put his hand upon his heart, and say, I am no way interested in the fate of Religion?"ang

These reflections, Mr. Cobbett, have arisen in my mind, on observing that the doctrines of Christianity of that religion! which all Europe acknowledges to be divine, have been lately attacked in a most unprecedented manner; and which, in iny humble apprehension, is calculated to over-a throw our national faith, if an antidote is nots provided against so terrible an evil. That I am not now writing at random, "but from a deep conviction of the truth of what? I say, will appear when you consider the following facts have now almost reached my fiftieth year. I was brought up with a strict and pious regard for all the obser vances of the Church; and, I think, I en-! tertained as sincere a belief of its more essential doctrines as any of my neighbours.

In fact, till within these few months, it never once entered into my mind, that it was possible to doubt the truth of any part of a religion, which had been professed, in this quarter of the globe, for so many ages

-which had been warmly cherished by the learned, whose province it is to judge of these matters and adopted by men cele brated in every country for their probity: and talents. A circumstance, however, has occurred, which has somewhat shaken this conviction. I am a constant reader of your Register, in which I have recently observed frequent allusion made to a work, entitled,

happe auf sto dobi Ecce Homo," written, it appears, for the ECCE HOMO. stool in express purpose of bringing the Christian MR. COBBETT.-I trust I shall not incur Religion into discredit. Unaccustomed as the charge of dogmatism when I state, that I had been to look into works of that dethere is nothing regarded amongst mankind scription, it will not be supposed, consider! in general of greater importance than reli- ing my state of mind, that I was very gion. It is by instilling its mysterious curious about this dangerous production. doctrines, into the minds of youth, that Indeed, I felt no desire to see it; and, pros character is formed; it is by unceasingly bably, I would have continued equally indifinculcating these, tenets, during their riper ferent respecting it, lrad you, Mr. Cobbett, years, they are tutored to fill that place in not come forward, and given importance to society to which they are destined; it is in the book by candidly acknowledging that a the execution of all their after a projects! perusal of its pages had staggered your faith; through life, that religion is allowed to or at least had created considerable doubts in exercise its imposing influence; and finally, your mind as to some of the leading points when death approaches to close this mortal of our religion. This avowal led me im scene, it is then that the aid of Religion is mediately to purchase Ecce Homo, which sought for, above all things, to encourage I have since perused with a mind as much the wretched, and to console the virtuous divested of prejudice as could be expected Arbiter of the fate of nations: fraught within my situation. In that work I have found

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would certainly feel it natural, that without
the same sentiments, the undersigned should
deem it his duty not to continue his abode
here until the actual moment, nor expose
himself to see a false light thrown by
France on the pure, upright, and benevolent
intentions of the allied Courts. The
form of negociation proposed in the note of
the French Plenipotentiaries may be judged
by i self. An union of the two opposite
forms of transaction by writing, and con-
ferences, was not possible, unless by so de-
priving the former of the advantages which
caused it to be proposed, that they could
only be preserved to appearance: therefore,
it would not have been useful in any man-
ner; and the undersigned thinks it almost
superfluous to say, that he ought to conti-
nue on insisting on the form proposed by
his Excellency the Count de Metternich,.
and which has served for the basis to a
known and memorable peace. Although
the note of the French Plenipotentiaries
affects to apply solely to the conduct and
the views of the Court of Russia (an af-
fectation which is extended to the Ministers
of the two Courts), whilst the steps of
Prussia and Russia, as likewise those of
their agents, have constantly presented the
most perfect concordance, the undersigned
has no need to say, that his Majesty the
King, his master, can but doubly resent
that passage in it which concerns his august
ally; and that it is impossible to apply to
it the name which it deserves. It would
be beneath all dignity to vouchsafe a reply
to it. The people cannot be mistaken as to
the authors of their evils. The Sovereign
who, after having repulsed the inost unjust
aggressions, and after having succeeded, by
the efforts of his faithful subjects, in de-
stroying an army which had dared to in-
vade his empire, has professed the most
pure and the most noble desire of re-esta-
blishing a stable and solid peace, is not the
one that should ever be charged with the
wish of putting it off, or of prolonging the
miseries of war. The great and im-
portant question in the present transaction
is, without doubt, that of peace; and Eu-
rope and posterity will easily judge, which
of the two parties has opposed itself to its
prompt re-establishment; whether it be
the allied Courts, which, as well as the
mediating Courts, have, by departing from
the grand principle, to which they will
ever remain faithful, of restoring a state of
good order, and the general balance of
power to Europe, have done every thing
not to lose a single instant of those precious

moments which the repose of arms offered for the work of pacification; or whether it is the Government which, after having deferred, without any plausible pretext, the commencement of the negociations, and after having followed up one delay by another, does not hesitate in causing to be sent, four days before the expiration of the armistice, a note, similar to that which the undersigned has just examined, not without a lively and deep sense of pain, in seeing those questions on which the welfare and tranquillity of nations depend treated in such a manner. -The undersigned has the honour, &c. HUMBOLDT.

(Signed) Prague, August 7, 1813.

No. XXXVII-Note from his Excellency Count de Metternich to the Plenipoten tiaries of France.

The undersigned Minister of State and for Foreign Affairs to his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, Plenipotentiary from the Mediating Court, at the same time that he discharges himself of the communication of the official paper, dated the 7th, from the Plenipotentiaries of Russia and Prussia, thinks it his duty to reply on his part to the note which their Excellencies the Duke of Vicenza and the Count de Narbonne, Plenipotentiaries from his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, did him the honour to address to him the day before yesterday.As a negociator of the convention of the 30th of June, he never consented to the two points anterior to the signature of the Act of which mention is made in their Excellencies' note. To demonstrate the error which has dictated this assertion, it will be sufficient to assure, that it would have been contrary to the dignity of his august Court, to enter into an engagement of being impartial, as that of not binding itself by any convention, even eventual, during the negociation; and the parts of Mediator and Arbitrator are too widely different, for Austria in charging itself with the former, with the consent of the Powers interested, ever to think of arrogating to herself the attributes of the other. Neither can the undersigned admit that he has detained his Excellency the Duke of Bassano, by the form of the conferences to be adopted in the negociation. The particular attention which the two Gourts of Russia and Prussia might, with a regand to their political attitude, find themselves inclined to observe, relative to the choice of that form