the river shot were rapidly coming in with fearful precision, generally striking the wooden rafters of the house and sending splinters of wood here and there, frightfully wounding our brave but for the time helpless men. After a long and anxious stay without food in this house we managed to escape before day light in the morning, not a word being spoken even by the Seikhs, every one knowing how necessary to his safety was the most profound silence. At last we effected a junction with the 90th and the heavy guns, and the united force entered the Chuttur Munzil and Torad Buksh, the old palace of the king of Oude, with little opposition and small loss. An episode occurred as we neared the Torad Buksh. Some of our force had been surprised and had to rush to a house near at hand, a number of wounded were with them in doolies; those who could escape ran into the house, one was rescued, and the rest, pitiful to relate, were slaughtered by the sepoys. Those who survived were the gallant, the chival rous, Captain Beecher of the 40th B. N. I., Lieutenant Arnold, Madras Fusiliers, and Doctor Horne, 90th L. I., Privates Hollewell, Ryan and another. Captain Beecher and Lieutenant Arnold died. The survivors have received what all merited had they survived, the Victoria Cross, for their glorious defence. We cannot do more now than very briefly glance at the events, which occurred up to the time of our being relieved by Sir Colin Campbell, and our readers must be pretty well aware from the various books on the subject, and a former article in this Review, what the inner life of the garrison was both before and subsequent to the rescue by Havelock.

From the date of our forced entry to the final relief of Lucknow, several sorties were made, and the position of our force extended all round the Torad Buksh, still keeping open our communication with the Residency. The enemy's operations were therefore principally directed to us, and at first they managed to mine us very successfully, but we executed such a large number of defensive mines, (under circumstances of great difficulty) that we could at last almost defy them. On one occasion the 6th October, a day ever memorable to those who, like us, were surrounded and cut off, the rebels blew up one of our pickets and rushed in, surrounding and cutting off at least one post, that occupied by Brasyer's Seikhs, and for the whole of our part of the siege so nobly defended by them. On they came, a dense mass, jabbering and shouting, the trained matchlockmen, with the wild tulwar and shield-warriors mad with excitement, without order and bent upon our destruction. At last after some desperate fighting, and no little anxiety, the "braves" departed utterly discomfited, and as we went through the various places just vacated by them, we saw the marks of their presence, in such quantities of dead bodies as

in such small space we had never seen before. Here was a heap in the garden before the painted house, the post of the Madras Fusiliers, there another by the 90th at another place, and the Seikhs pointing exultingly to it, and not very complimentary to the forefathers or even the present relatives of the deceased, as they passed them by; all day the mehters were digging graves for them. These men are said to have been new arrivals to the amount of several thousands, and are also said to be Maun Singh's men. The tactics of the enemy are quite different from ours, they always send their raw hands to the front. This unexpected defeat rather damped their attacking ardour, and although we still lost a good many men, it was now principally from firing from loopholes that we suffered. The trials we had undergone, together with the hard work and little food during our residence in the Baillie Guard, have left their impress on us as well as most of Havelock's old force, and it is rather annoying to find an opinion spreading abroad that we endured little if any hardships, because the commissariat had some supplies when the Commander-in-Chief came in, and some people actually had a little wine. We can safely say we only twice tasted wine in the entrenchment; tobacco was exceedingly scarce, a little vile tea could be had for Rs. 16 a seer, and some vile mud and sugar occasionally at the same small figure. For the most part of our residence our diet was the following :

Daily rations for Europeans.
Flesh meat, (bones included),

Wheat, (something like sawdust and flour),

12 oz.

14 oz.

1 oz.

1 oz.

4

No ghee or anything, so your chupatties were not very nice, and indeed caused diarrhoea almost invariably. Your beef was execrable, ugly! such stuff!-yet to swallow it was a necessity. We will not here enter upon the daily life of the entrenchment, the sad consequences of the simplest wound, or the despondency of the Surgeons as almost every one of their amputations did badly. These and other features of the siege are familiar enough to all now-a-days, but we hurry on to the time when the Commanderin-Chief relieved us, and we left in the dead of night the Residency, which had beheld so many a stirring scene, and proved fatal to so many a gallant heart.

We marched on quietly and noiselessly until we reached the Dilkoosha, and encamped for the night; lightly clad as we were, we felt as if the cold would have killed us; at last the sturdy and brave 5th Fusiliers lighted a fire to which we quickly repaired and warmed ourselves. The next day we heard that our brave old General was very ill, and on the 24th November he died. Peace to his manes; he died seeing his work accomplished, the object of his

MARCH, 1859.

F

heart's desire fulfilled, but we had noticed for some time the brave old man wasting away, yet always at his duty to the last. This then appropriately marks the termination of Havelock's Indian Campaign. The force with some additions to its strength defended the Alumbaugh, and became equally celebrated as Outram's force. At a future period we may follow its career up to the final taking of Lucknow, when its distinctive character becomes for ever lost, by the breaking up of its parts and the departure of its brave leader.

We can only say for Major North's book, after the extracts we have given from it-read it, and we are assured it will amply repay an attentive perusal. Although a little too historical in its style for a personal journal, it is one of the most truthful and correct of the many accounts of the Indian mutiny.

England is now everywhere triumphant, and the small determined bands, at Lucknow, Delhi, and of the force under Havelock, are among the things that were. As time rolls on, Havelock's force will take its stand in the imperishable pages of history, and it will be acknowledged to have been, in the language of its illustrious General "the stay and prop of India in the days of her severest trial." The deeds of that force, conjointly with the Delhi force and the Lucknow garrison, will long live in the household memories of our native land, and it will be acknowledged with pride that these illustrious bands saved India, under such trials and with such bravery, that England can now once again, after a short interval,. point to her sons and say-" With such men as these I need fear no enemy."

.

ART. III.-1. China: being "The Times'" Special Correspondence from China in the Years 1857-58. Reprinted by permission. With corrections and additions by the Author, GEORGE WINGROVE COOKE, AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF PARTY," ETC. London: G. Routledge and Co., Farringdon Street. New York: 18, Beekman Street. 1858.

2. The Chinese and their Rebellions viewed in connection with their National Philosophy, Ethics, Legislation and Administration; to which is added an Essay on Civilization and its present State in the East and West. BY THOMAS TAYLOR MEADOWs, Chinese Interpreter in H. M.'s Civil Service. London : Smith Elder and Co. 1856.

3. A General Description of China, with the History of Foreign Intercourse down to 1857. By SIR JOHN F. DAVIS, BART. New Edition, revised and enlarged, 2 vols. London: John Murray and Co. 1858.

UNDETERRED by the fate which awaited us the last time we did so, and which may be waiting us now, we again raise our shout of joy, and rashly, because we have got a Treaty, declare China opened. Hurrah boys, let us see who is first, is the cry, and every steamer takes new crowds of adventurers to China. We are not commercial men, we do not talk glumly of probable failures, and cautiously calculate how much we might lose by them did we give the parties credit; on the contrary we have no interest in the matter, and having nothing to do, rather join in shouting with the crowd, as we should be unnoticed did we hold our tongue, and it is far too great trouble to contradict a mob.

But while joining with them for ease and quietness, we are not so mad as they, and wish to know something of what is opened to us before we take the fatal jump, and plunge into China. Our table is covered with books; we have only to read to our hearts' content, or rather, sad to say, to our souls' disgust. French Missionary on French Missionary Annals of the Faith testing ours hardly; Lettres curieuses,-curious indeed but not edifying; we throw them aside, loudly declaring we don't believe a word of them, and turn to more modern writers. We know, at least it has been dinned into us, that China has never changed; we find to our horror that it is true, at least each successive writer's work strangely resembles that of the one before him. Oh for something new! We turn, as we intend to be travelling, to M. Huc, and are deeply interested, but alas! three-fourths we have read before, and the other fourth we can't believe, and so with Mr. Fortune, he may be correct in his botany, but with due deference-we doubt the rest.

Just as we are giving up in disgust, for Williams is but a heavy compilation, we get Meadows, and a few facts mixed alas with too much on other subjects, and to make us happy once more, Wingrove Cooke; from which two books, aided by an occasional reference to graceful Davis, we have constructed our idea of what we are going to, and what therefore we shall see.

First, why we know not, whether because we believe it the mainspring of a nation's life, whether because we wish to see what obstacles it presents to our first object-the spread of our own, we turn to their religion, and seek to find out what a Chinaman believes; for though Cooke calls their faith but a cynical half belief, we feel sure they must believe something, and Cooke himself aids us out of the difficulty. "Taoli" is the clue to our enquiry, this Taoli which the high mandarin explains as pervading everything, which, expressed in writing, every man reverences as the standard by which he judges everything, this Taoli is their faith, and let all the Missionaries and sinologues and travellers in China declare the contrary, we will maintain it.

Mr. Cooke tells us how priests as well as people jest about their idols; Mr.Meadows, the respect priests are held in in China; and though he at the same time tells us of well endowed temples and monasteries, though we read of sacrifices being offered in times of famine or distress, yet a little thought must make all agree that these monasteries are but the result of that innate consciousness of how small and insignificant we are, and that longing for distinction which makes us all desire to leave some monument behind us; and that, though occasionally a little cynical half belief may be felt, the keeping up of religious ceremonies in them is but the result of love of "pidgeon," love of doing something, and the feeling of all professing false religions, that, if regular ceremonies are not kept up, religion must go to pieces.

We read, and we believe, that the constant answer of a Chinaman when asked about his religion is a laugh, and an " O, we leave that to old women; foolish people must have something to amuse their weak minds and keep them quiet, and the wise must occasionally affect to have a firm belief in these things to keep up the infatuation." A common Chinaman thinks it an insult to be thought to believe in his religion, and we consciously, perhaps rashly and wrongly, do not believe he does. But it will be said, does not a Chinaman believe in Tien that we hear so much about, and the Shên and Kuci. From what we have read we do not believe he does. He does not go so far as with Budhist and Taoist idols, he does not disbelieve them. Tien or Shangti, he will tell you if an educated Chinese, is the Head of the Shen, the Emperor among them as Huangti is among men; the Kuci are unfortunates who after death are not