explosions put the Duke of Savoy on his guard; the troops were increased, the fortifications strengthened, and every precaution adopted to baffle any further attempt. But, still Arnaud did not despair; and to raise the hopes of his people, he preached to them from that text, "Fear not little flock, for it is your Father's good pleasure to give you the kingdom." The exiles had now derived experience from their former failures; and a third expedition was undertaken under the superintendence of Arnaud himself, that, whether for the boldness with which it was planned, or the energy with which it was carried into execution, has scarcely a parallel in the whole range of history.

The head-quarters of this new coalition were at Berne; and in the event of a movement, it was necessary that the Bernese should be kept in ignorance of their purposes, as well as their enemies of France and Savoy, that the safety of their allies might not be compromised. The rendezvous of the exiles was therefore held secretly in a large forest, in the Pays de Vaud, called the wood of Nion; and to this meeting the dispersed, to the number of eight hundred had assembled from various countries. Here, the whole plan of the expedition was settled, and Henri Arnaud vowed that he would never resign his sword until their thirteen churches in the valleys should be cleansed from their idolatrous emblems. It was the night of the 16th of August, 1689, when this daring resolution was adopted; and such was the secrecy of the meeting, that only certain vague whispers had floated about concerning it, in consequence of which several people, excited by curiosity, had crossed the lake, to ascertain what was going on in the neighbouring forest. This was a providential circumstance for the Waldenses, who seized the boats of these new comers, and thus transported themselves to the other side, between Nernier and Ivoire. An alarm was given upon their landing, and as they advanced, they saw enough to convince them that their march would be speedily opposed; upon which they seized two gentlemen of the district, as hostages, for their safe conduct through the country. This precaution was absolutely necessary, as they were strangers to the way, and even as it was, the second day of their march had like to have proved their last; for the inhabitants of Cluses, who grudgingly allowed them a free passage, sent a messenger to those of Sallanches, advising them to attack the Waldenses in the narrow defile of Maglan, while they themselves would assail them in the rear. But Arnaud, who discovered their treachery, seized two more hostages from Cluses, and rapidly advanced to the terrible defile which a few men, armed only with stones, could have made good against a host. He seized it, and crossed it with all his troops, before the people of Sallanches had intelligence of his coming. The toils and perils of this march, amidst torrents of rain, and over rocks and mountains, were also aggravated by the treachery of their guides, who, on the third day, led them across the mountain of Haut Luce, by the most frightful and difficult of the passes, that the Savoyards might have time to overtake, and destroy them. In this emergency, Arnaud was obliged to have recourse to the usual harsh usages of warfare, so that he threatened to hang up the guides if they persevered in their design, a menace that reduced them to fidelity. After the Waldenses had scaled with im

mense toil this precipitous mountain, they were obliged to descend seated, and sliding, with no other light than that which proceeded from the whiteness of the snow; and on their landing late at night at St Nicolas de Verose, a miserable hamlet at the bottom of a frightful abyss, there was no fuel to be obtained, but by unroofing the huts which protected them from the rain. Such were but a few of the difficulties experienced by the invaders in this most surprising march, until they reached the valley of Isere on the fifth day; and during the whole course of their route the sagacity of Arnaud in anticipating and averting dangers, had only been equalled by the fervour with which he prayed for his followers, and the earnestness with which he preached, and exhorted them to perseverance. And still, notwithstanding the extremities of hunger and thirst, of cold and weariness, which they endured among the dismal gorges of the Alps, their moderation was wonderful, and excited the applause even of their enemies. None of those instances of rapine and cruelty which would have marked the tract of even the best ordered troops under such irritating and distressing circumstances disgraced the march of the Waldenses. Although they were among enemies, upon whom they could have levied the usual contributions, they abstained from pillage, and paid out of their scanty supply of money for the provisions which they ordered upon the way.

Hitherto, the encounters which the Waldenses had sustained in their progress arose from occasional skirmishers; but on the eighth day, they were to experience the brunt of regular battle. They had advanced along the banks, at the foot of the Col d'Albin, which closes in upon the river, and leaves a pass by which regular troops can barely march even when unmolested by an enemy; and at the narrowest part of this pass, near Salabertrand, which they hoped to find undefended, was a bridge, by which they could cross the Dora. But no sooner had they neared this point of difficulty than they saw on the opposite side of the bridge a force of two thousand five hundred French soldiers strongly entrenched, and ready to dispute the passage. The condition of the Piedmontese was perilous. On either side they were hemmed in by impassable rocks; the hostile garrison of Susa could effectually bar their retreat, and in front of them was an enemy confident in their superiority. They dashed forward to the bridge; and to the cry of " Qui vive?" from the opposite side, they answered, "Friends, if you allow us to pass!" The cry of "kill! kill!" instantly rose among the French, and was followed by a heavy volley of musketry, in which more than two thousand shots were fired. But Arnaud had ordered his men to throw themselves on their faces, and thus only one man was wounded by this terrible shower. At the same instant the Waldenses were charged by two companies in their rear, so that they were placed between two fires. They saw that all must be hazarded, and, therefore, they still dashed forward, shouting the name of their leader: some voice in the crowd exclaimed, courage, the bridge is won!" and at this, the whole mass rushed onward with confidence, until they came to close conflict with the enemy. The bridge, indeed, was not yet won, but it was soon carried, and swept of its defenders; and the onward movement carried the Piedmontese into the midst of the French troops, where a close hand-to

hand conflict was maintained, in which the heavy sabres of the mountaineers shivered the swords of their enemies, and struck fire from the muskets that were raised to parry the blows. After an engagement of two hours, the Marquis de Laney, who saw his men falling, or flying in every quarter, while he was himself wounded in the arm, exclaimed with furious oaths, " Is it possible that I have lost the battle, and my own honour ?— and immediately adding, "Save himself who can !" he fled with several of his wounded officers to Briançon, from which he was conveyed in a litter to Embrun. Such was the confusion of the enemy, and so completely had they had been mixed up with their intrepid assailants, that many of them remained among the ranks of the Waldenses, thus hoping to escape undetected. But they mistook the watchword of the latter, which was Angrogne, for Grogne, and in consequence of this perverted Shibboleth two hundred were discovered and slain. The greatest part of the baggage, and all the ammunition, fell into the hands of the Piedmontese, and when the moon rose, not a foe was to be seen. When all was over, the trumpets were sounded; and the victors, throwing their hats into the air, made the rocks resound with the acclamation, "Thanks to the Eternal of armies, who has given us the victory over our enemies!" It was, indeed, a wonderful achievement; and the following extract from the account of Arnaud himself will best exhibit that feeling of devout astonishment with which he regarded it. bandful of men attack an army well entrenched, among whom were fifteen companies of regulars, and eleven of militia, with all the peasants that could be collected, besides the troops, which attacked this handful in the rear! Belief in so improbable a fact must be grounded on a conviction, that the hand of God not only fought with the Vaudois, but blinded the French. For how else can we account for their not thinking of cutting away the wooden bridge, and thus effectually checking | the Vaudois for the Dora was so swelled, that any attempt to wade through it, would have been to court inevitable death? If this glorious victory is matter of surprise, the small loss of the Vaudois in obtaining it is not less so. It amounted only to ten or twelve wounded, and fourteen or fifteen killed, in addition to one of the hostages, six only of whom failed in making | their escape during the conflict."

:

"What! a

After this signal instance of success, the intrepid invaders, although half famished, and exhausted with a heary march of three days, and as many nights, continued to advance, lest the enemy should receive rein- | forcements; and on the evening of the battle they scaled the mountain of Sci by the light of the moon, although their friends were falling at every step, from drowsiness and fatigue, and had to be roused and urged onward by the rear-guard. But on the following morning, which was Sunday the 25th, they could see afar off the summits of their own native mountains; upon which Arnaud, summoning his people together, conducted their thanksgivings and prayers, and exhorted them with his animating addresses. They continued their march, driving before them the few skirmishers who ventured to interrupt their progress, and on the 27th they arrived at San Martino, in the valley of which, had mere safety been their wish, they could have securely settled themselves. But it was their country!

and their native Churches which they fought to recover, and the restoration of their brethren to the full blessings of Christian liberty, and therefore they boldly advanced to new trials and dangers. On the 29th, they descended into the valley of Lucerne, which was strongly occupied by French and Piedmontese troops, two hundred of whom were intrenched upon the Col de Giuliano, to dispute the passage. The Waldenses rushed to the attack in three divisions, and with such courage that the enemy were confounded, and, after a few volleys, fled from the pass, while the assailants drove them from point to point, with the loss of only one man. The fugitives took refuge in the village of Bobbio, occupied by Papists, to whom the confiscated property of the Waldenses had been granted; and it was accordingly attacked by the latter, carried by storm, and given up to pillage. This was the first abandonment of that spirit of moderation which the exiles had hitherto exhibited; and even in reclaiming their own, they exposed themselves to the cavils of a reproachful enemy. The still greater atrocity which they were compelled to commit, during these and subsequent skirmishes (of putting their prisoners in several instances to death), admits of a stronger palliation; and which cannot be better given than in the words of the record from which we have already quoted. “Let not the reader be surprised that the Vaudois should thus put to death those who fell into their hands. We had no prisous to confine them; our numbers were too small, and the warfare too desultory, to admit the possibility of guarding them; and to have released them, would have been to have published our plans, our weakness, and every thing on which depended the success of our enterprise. The relaxation of this unavoidable maxim in the instance of Gras and his father, was eventually highly prejudicial to the Vaudois, from the injury they received through the means of these two ungrateful wretches; who, however, received, in the end, the just reward of their perfidy." In fact, almost every prisoner whom the Waldenses had spared went over to the enemy, and betrayed their plans and movements. Of a truth, war is a fearful thing, even when the cause is just and holy; because it leads, yea, compels, to the commission of deeds which the tender heart abhors, and a righteous Gospel condemns. Even the clerical and apostolic spirit of Arnaud, also, was not always proof against that military excitement which, in such a state of life, became his besetting temptation; and thus, after he had commended his flock to God in prayer, and given the signal for battle, he was immedi ately after to be seen in the thickest of the tumult, and the first in the onset. The peril to which he thus exposed himself alarmed his followers, who often entreated him to be more careful of his person; but to all their remonstrances he fearlessly replied, "I best know what the occasion and the cause require of me: while I advance follow me; and when I fall, revenge me."

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The religious knowledge possessed in the age of Job was founded on the unity of Deity, both in the creation and government of the universe; but that this was not a natural theology,-a doctrine discovered by unassisted reason,-is proved by the reference of Job himself to a revelation, when he declares (chap. vi. 10), "I have not neglected the words of the Holy One;" and again (chap. xxiii. 12), "I do not neglect the principles of his lips: I have treasured up his words in my bosom." This religion was embodied in formal acts of worship: Job offered expiatory sacrifices for himself and his family, not in the character of a priest, but as patriarch and head of a tribe. We find from the Book of Genesis that sacrifices began to be offered immediately after the expulsion of our first parents from Paradise; and as there cannot be found any reasonable ground for the suggestion of sacrifice to an uninstructed mind, the character of Job's religion, both in doctrine and form, is that of a theology derived from a primitive revelation, and not evolved from barbarism or paganism by any mental process.

That the knowledge of the Divine unity was derived by Job from a revelation to himself, or from a former revelation transmitted to him by writing or tradition, appears further proved by his reference to the corruptions of religion which were gradually increasing in his time. He describes Sabaism, or the worship of the celestial luminaries, as an error to which he might, like others, have been led by his natural propensities, and from which he was protected only by the firmness of his belief in what had been revealed. This is a No. 146. OCTOBER 16, 1841.—1fd.]

If I have looked with a superstitious eye,
At the sun when he shone in his strength,
Or the moon when she walked in her brightness,
And my heart hath been secretly enticed,

And I have worshipped by carrying my hand to my mouth,
I should have been chargeable with a great transgression,
For I should have denied the Supreme God.*

The religion of Job, the first great element in the patriarchal system of civilization, is thus clearly shown to possess a derivative character, and the only form of religion which we find to have been self-evolved, was a corruption. It is not to be expected that the ideas of morality formed by the patriarch could be so clearly traced to their source, but there are still proofs of their derivative character in their disproportion to the state of physical knowledge represented in the book. was not until a very late period in the history of the Grecian philosophy, that moralists discovered the necessity of imposing a restraint on the inward sentiment. Now, we find that Job had anticipated this great principle, for he disclaims not the overt act, but the impure desire which might have prompted to its commission.

I made a covenant with mine eyes
That I would not gaze upon a virgin,
For what portion should I then have in God,

Or what inheritance from the Almighty on high?

It

In all the civilized nations of antiquity, and in some which claim to be civilized in modern times,

the rights of slaves are ostentatiously disregarded; their persons and properties are at the disposal of their masters. The worst forms of slavery are to be found in pastoral and nomade races, yet we find Job expressly recognising the rights of his dependents, and asserting their claims to justice

The quotations throughout the chapter are taken from Wemyss's admirable translation, and the author has made extensive

use of that gentleman's researches and illustrations.

[SECOND SERIES, VOL. III.

with a spirit of equity not to be found in any of the Pagan philosophers, or in some Christian legislators.

If I denied justice to my male slave,

Or to my female slave when they disputed with me,
What then should I do when God maketh inquest ?
When he inquires what answer should I give?
Did not He who formed me form them?
Were we not fashioned alike in the womb?

Such morality is clearly beyond the general state of knowledge at the period when Job lived; we find nothing like it in any of the pastoral races existing in the East, though there are many of these whose civilization, estimated by the advance in the arts and sciences, would appear to be greater than that which was possessed by the Idumeans in the days of the patriarch. This superior purity of the ethical code, so far in advance of the progress made in the other branches of human intelligence, is a strong presumptive evidence that it was derived from a source external to the state of society.

We find also that the friends of Job refer to moral maxims and principles derived from sages of old, and assert the obligation of the rules which experience had proved to be efficacious. Thus Bildad :

Examine, I pray thee, former generations,

Inform thyself of the wisdom of their ancestors :
(For we are but of yesterday and have no experience;
Our days on the earth are but a shadow.)

Shall they not teach thee and instruct thee?

The amount of natural history possessed by Job, is greater than he was likely to have obtained from his personal experience, since he not only mentions, but describes animals which were not natives of Idumea, such as the crocodile and the hippopotamus. It is not likely, indeed, that his knowledge of these was derived from tradition, he more probably obtained his information from the commercial travellers who traversed Idumea on their way to Egypt; but it is remarkable, that no animals beyond those he mentions, have been domesticated and rendered useful to man since his day. The shepherd's dog is found to have been used at this early period, and the horses of Arabia are shown to have been already subjected to the dominion of man. At the same time, the animals which could not be tamed or rendered serviceable, are specified with as much accuracy as could be evinced at the present day.

Though the descriptions of the animals are not technical, they are far from being deficient in scientific accuracy; the author has, with extraordinary felicity, seized the leading characters of each, and the peculiarities by which it is distinguished from its fellow-brutes; in a few words, the amount of instinct it possesses, and the application of that instinct to its habits and modes of life, are brought before us; experience must therefore have been miraculously aided then, or marvellously neglected since, for the accumulated observation of subsequent ages has not added so much to our knowledge of the animals described as would equal the amount possessed by Job.

The Scriptures mention the use of metals and

musical instruments, as additions made to the stock of human knowledge; we have already noticed Job's acquaintance with mining operations and refining processes, and need not here repeat our estimate of the amount of his skill in metallurgy, but we may direct attention to the fact, that such an amount possessed at so early an age is strongly confirmatory of the antiquity assigned to the invention in the Book of Genesis.

Mention is made of bread, cheese, butter, oil, and other manufactured forms of agricultural produce. Wine was preserved in leather bottles, or skins, as it is still in most parts of the East; and it is curious to find Job referring to the fermentation of new wine, in nearly the same words used by Jesus Christ after the lapse of several centuries.

I am overcharged with matter; My mind within me impels me

My feelings are like new wine closed up; As vessels of new wine they are bursting. There is reason to believe that men had become accustomed to fixed habitations in Idumea, as we should be led to conclude from the account given of the building of Babel. The mention of cities, indeed, is not decisive, for the Hebrew word so rendered may be applied to assemblages of tents or waggons. But Zopher, in his third address to Job, draws a very manifest distinction between temporary habitations and permanent structures.

He had built his house like a moth-worm,

Like a booth which the garden-watchman constructs.

The various artifices used in hunting, and the instruments employed in war, to which Job incidentally alludes, though very interesting to Biblical students, do not come within the scope of our reasoning, because there are no similar references The art of clothing in the early part of Genesis. is expressly mentioned among the communications made to Adam, but in his case it was confined to preparing articles of dress from the skins of beasts; in Job's time textile fabrics were known, for he says:

My days are slighter than a weaver's yarn ;

They are finished like the breaking of a thread. The first mention of the balance and scales occurs in the history of Abraham, but it is there introduced as an instrument familiarly known, an invention so long in use that no reference is made to its origin. Job speaks of it in terms of similar familiarity :

Would to God my grief were weighed in a balance,
And my calamity laid in one of the scales!

It would be found heavier than the sands of the sea,
Therefore my complaints are vehement.

We have also an allusion to the practice of sealing with a signet ring, to which there appears no parallel in the Book of Genesis previous to the history of Joseph :

At present thou numberest up my devices, Not one of my inadvertencies escapes thee. My offences are sealed up in a bag; Yea, thou tiest together mine iniquities. No definite account of institutions, and of social or domestic habits, is found in the Book of Genesis previous to the patriarchal record relating