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ensue, where can you look to? To "the British farmer! No-you have turned your back upcn him. But there

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is another thing to be considered, grain may be cheap, and yet be less within "the compass of some than when it was dearer. If agriculture be discouraged, the farmer will not want so many labourers, the ploughman, the "thresher, and the reaper, will not be "wanted-and thus will those persons "starve amidst cheapness."-

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But it has been said, let the farmer look "to his landlord, who having raised his

rent in proportion to the encreasing price "of grain, ought now to be lowered to the "level at what it was before such increase. "There is much reason in this, and it will

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operate no doubt upon the landlord. If "he find that he cannot get a high rent paid, but that he can get a lower one, "of course he will prefer the latter. The " cessation of the Property Tax will be "another relief; But these of themselves "will not be sufficient. We take our stand upon this ground, which cannot be sha"ken; that the British farmer should have

and Barley at the last prices quoted "in the Gazette, are at a less price than "the expence to which the farmer wou'd "be put by growing them, including "wages to labourers, keep for horses, "repair of waggons, cost of the seed, "and rent to the landlord. Of course then he will direct his industry and capital to other channels; he will not grow grain; he will not make land "hitherto barren, productive in corn; "he will not bring the wastes and heaths "into cultivation. There will comparatively be no English corn grown. Very well," we hear some say, "and "what is that to us, provided we still have abundant supplies open to us." "But softly! it is a great deal to them -a great deal indeed! In the first place, the foreign grower, when he finds that he has nothing to fear from "the rivalship of the British farmer, will raise his price. This is obvious "When he knows you must depend upon "him for the commodity, he will increase "his terms. There is not a plainer commercial principle than this. Here "then is the first inroad upon the cheap-"an interest in cultivating grain. Has "ness which you flattered yourself would "he that interest at the present prices? be so permanent. But you must not "No. What is the remedy? Clearly that forget another circumstance--that "the foreign grower should bear some peace cannot be perpetual, and that of the burthens that he does; that he wars must take place.-Nay, that fo-" should pay a duty upon importation; reign powers may be more likely to go "that this duty should make the price "to war with us, thinking that they "of foreign corn equal to a price which have the means in their hands, (we, "the English farmer ought to get for Bridepending upon them entirely for "tish corn. Mr. Burke thought a farmer grain) of compelling us to accept termis ought to make 12 per cent. upon his "and to make concessions. We put a capital after paying his rent; Later case-Poland will be annexed to, or "writers and witnesses examined by Par"under the controul of Russia. It is liament, think 10 per cent. a sum "from Poland we derive the largest "much less than is made in almost all "continental supplies of foreign corn. "other trades. At the present price of "Should we go to war with Russia, she grain the farmer so far from making might shut all her ports, Russian as "this interest upon his capital must les"well as Polish, and prevent the expor-"sen that capital by cultivating. What "tation of grain.---What should we do "then? We might procure it from other "parts, from the Barbary States and "from America. But would not the

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10 per cent. upon his capital. The from causes, over which the farmers had present average price, according to no controul, that is to say, in part, at Saturday's Gazette, is 7s. 11d. the least, from the war. It is not true, "bushel. We have thus fulfilled our (though it has nothing to do with the “intention of collecting a few facts, point at issue) that the farmers were “which we have endeavoured to place wholly innocent here; for, they were no"in a prominent point of view, offering toriously amongst the foremost to uphold *such reasons as they are suggested to PITT in making war and in carrying on our minds. We are quite sure that war, against the Republicans of France. "we speak without partiality or prejudice That has been accomplished, which they ourselves; We are neither farmers nor tendered their lives and fortunes, to ac"merchants, neither growers of home nor complish. The republic of France has importers of foreign corn. Our chief been destroyed; the Bourbons have been anxiety is to remove, if possible, some restored; liberty has been nearly put out prejudices, knowing that he best pro- in that country; and, really, if our far"motes the interests of the poorer classes mers were to suffer in consequence of "and of British agriculture, who encou- what has taken place, they certainly would rages and promotes the interests of the come in for their full share of meriting British farmer. "If the price of the that suffering.Now we come to the subcorn," says an eminent writer, should ject:-The argument is this: that, un"not compensate the price of growing it, less corn is dear, the English farmer can"the most serious evil, the very destruc- not grow it, because it would not bring "tion of agriculture itself, is to be appre- him enough to enable him to pay wages "hended.' Now, though this article is of labour, keep of horses, repair of wagwritten with great ability, and with even gons, cost of seed, and rent to the landgreater craft than ability, it will require, lord. Now, how fallacious is this! Is I trust, not a great deal to be said, to not the corn which the horses eat, shew that its tendency is to deceive the and which is sown for seed cheap, if people, and to entice them, by a fallacious corn be cheap at market? Are not the statement, into an acquiescence in a mea- wages of labourers, the prices of wheelsure for making corn dear; that being wrights, and the rent of land cheap, if the undisguised object of the writer. the corn be cheap at market? Why, then, Before I proceed to the main points, let should not the English farmer be as able me notice the insinuation, that objections to grow cheap corn as dear corn? And to a Corn Bill have been owing to the what becomes of all the terrific statement "industry of faction." What then, is about dependence upon foreign nations, OLD GEORGE ROSE become the about the extortioning of the foreign farleader of faction? He, who wrote a mer, about scarcity, about the ruin of pamphlet to convince the people of Eng- the labourer, and the like? Is it not noland, that, if they did not quietly pay torious, that wheat used to be 5s. a the war-taxes, the French Republicans bushel in England? Nay, is it not notowould deprive them of the blessed com- rious, that it used to be 2s. a bushel ? forts of religion? He has, indeed, been How did the farmer live in those days? very industrious upon this occasion: but Was the labourer starved in those days? has his been the "industry of faction?" On the contrary, is it not notorious, that Have the petitions of the loyal" of the paupers have increased with the high Southampton, Portsmouth, Winchester, prices? Will any man have the confidence and hundreds of other cities and towas, to deny this? And if this cannot be de proceeded from "the industry of faction?" nied, what reason is there to be alarmed Oh, no! this will never do. The pro- at the prospect of continued cheapness? moters of the measure cannot now raise a What reason is there to suppose, that the cry against the Jacobins. That humbug farmer will be unable to raise cheap corn, is over for ever.--Who told this writer, seeing that his labourers, his smith, his that any body ever said, that revenge wheelwright, bis collar-maker, his seed, against the farmer was the object of the his rent, will all keep pace with the price opposers of the measure? This is pure of his corn? If these items amount to a invention. It is an invented fact, whereon hundred pounds a year when wheat is 40s, to build a fallacious argument.---But, we a quarter, and to two hundred pounds a are told here, that the high prices arose year when wheat is 80s, a quarter, is not

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the farmer as able to raise the forty shil-you are laudably enthusiastic. But the ling wheat as the eighty shilling wheat? real tendency of your exertions is to proHow came this writer to be so indiscreet tect and promote the taxing system, and as to mention horse feed and seed amongst thereby to enable the Government to keep the outgoings of the farmer? These must up, during peace, a standing army and all be at a low price, if his market corn is at those means of patronage, heretofore una low price. They consist of the same known in England, and the keeping up sort of corn that he has to sell. How, of which tends to the total extinguishment in the name of common sense, then, should of even the great country gentlemen, the he have to complain of the amount of little ones having all been swallowed up these outgoings, and, at the same time, long ago.- -Stand here, I pray you, and complain of the cheapness of his corn? reflect before you proceed another inch. But, the truth is, that the absurdity of these positions arises from a very material omission in the enumeration of the farmer's outgoings; to wit; the TAXES ! which, direct and indirect, amount to more, aye, to double as much, as his labour, horse feed, seed, implements, and rent, all put together. The direct taxes are upon his land, his property, his horses, his house, his windows, his gig, his dogs, his man servant, and to these must be added his poor rates. He pays about 17s. a bushel tax out of every 20s. which he lays out in salt; and, in a large farm house, the salt tax amounts to about 107. a year. He pays more in tax upon malt than his barley, of which the malt is made, amounts to. He pays a tax upon the soap and candles, and tea and sugar and wine and spirits used in his house. He pays a tax on the leather and iron used in his implements and his harness. And, be it observed and remembered, that he pays a tax upon the beer, the gin, the tea, the sugar, the salt, the soap, the candles, the shoes, the tobacco, used by his labourers. For every quart of beer drank by the ploughman, at a public house, the farmer pays about 4d in tax. The brewer and malster first pay it; the publican pays it to them; the labourer pays it to the publican; the farmer pays it to the labourer; and, as the farmer must be repaid, he must, of course, charge it in the price of the next corn that he sells. -Here, then, is the real cause of the necessity of high prices. It is the GO-as the food of the manufacturer in France, VERNMENT, and not the FARMER, America, and elsewhere, and who will who stands in need of high priced corn. purchase the dear manufactures ?-But, -Oh! ye Cokes and Westerns, be not; take away the taxes that support the be not, I pray and supplicate you, made army, the ordnance, a great part of the the tools of the taxing system! I know navy; abolish the new military schools well that neither of you wish for high and all their enormous expences; return prices in order to increase, or keep up again to cheap and peaceful government; your own incomes. Your wish is to pro-lay aside the bayonet and the broadtect, to secure the well-being of, a de- sword, and be content with the oldscription of persons, as to whose pursuits fashioned sheriff's wand and constable's

-You perceive clearly, that the writer, whom I have quoted, under pretence of protecting the farmer and promoting agriculture, aims at keeping up the taxes, that is to say, an immense military establishment and patronage, which it is your interest, and the farmer's interest, and the country's interest, to see reduced to nothing, seeing, that we now want no standing army any more than our forefathers did.- -I have read a long letter of Mr. WESTERN to shew, that it is just and necessary to pass a Bill to protect the farmer. The reasonings of that very able letter are unanswerable, if we admit, that the taxing system must remain in full vi◄ gour, which the author seems to admit, and which I wonder that he should have admitted. It is clearly shewn, that the English farmer will not grow corn, unless he is put upon as good a footing, at least, as the French farmer. But, then, it is not shewn, that this cannot be accomplished without a Corn Bill; and yet, this ought to be shewn, and clearly shewn, by those, who, in open hostility to the common feeling of mankind, propose such a measure. The farmer, and the prosperity of agriculture, do not depend upon the price of corn alone: there are the hides, the skins, the wool, and the flax. All very great articles of produce. These are, in great part, wrought into articles of dress by our manufacturers, and thus they are exported. Make the corn dear; make the food of the manufacturer twice as dear

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staff. Do this, and there will be quite the constitution. It is for those who enough left to discharge the just debts of pose such a measure to shew, that it the country and to support the Crown cannot be done without; and this they with sufficient splendour, though Wheat must shew before any just man will give should again fall (as I hope it will) to the his consent to it.-The measure would old 5 shillings a bushel of JETHROTULL; be no protection to the farmer; it would and agriculture will flourish and farmers do him no good; it would do the landwill thrive as much as they have done for owner no good: what it gave in prohithe last twenty years; and, what is still bition, it would take away in tax, and of more importance, pauperism will al- give it to the military, naval, and official most disappear, hospitality will revive, and part of the community, the tendency of honesty, the constant companion of com- which must inevitably be to give these a petence, will curtail the long and dismal predominance over all the peaceful arts lists of crimes, commitments, convic- and professions, and to produce all the tions, banishments, and executions, which lamentable consequences which I have now fill the mind with horror and dismay. above described.-For these reasons, I, "Here" say the writers, " we take our who am a farmer by taste as well stand. The English farmer cannot grow as in fact, and who am deeply interested corn, unless," by an importation duty, in the prosperity of agriculture, detest and "the foreign farmer be made to bear part abhor, from the bottom of my soul, the of the English farmer's taxes".-But, he idea of any measure tending to raise, of will not bear part then; for, he will not keep up, the price of corn; and, if there bring his corn, and it is meant that he be but one man in all England found to should not. Here I take my stand. Re-petition against such a measure, I will be duce the taxes of the English farmer, that man. and then he will grow corn enough with, out the aid of foreign supply; and the COTINENTAL AFFAIRS. It is immanufacturers, eating cheap food, will be possible to peruse the information which able to sell cheaper than the manufacturers now daily arrives from the Continent, of other nations; and, thus, all will thrive without experiencing the most aweful sentogether; make corn dear, by continued sations as to the critical state of affairs heavy taxation, and all will decline toge- in that quarter. It is true, appearances ther, except the military and naval offi- are very often deceitful, and lowering cial part of the community, who will, in clouds frequently subside; but there nethe end, obtain a predominance, such as ver was a period known in universal histhey possess in the Austrian, Prussian, tory when the " din of preparation" Russian and German dominions, and seemed so great. Let us turn our eyes English freedom and English manners from the Mediterranean to the Baltic, and English morals and En ash tastes peace and tranquility is no where to be and English learning and eloquence will found. In Italy, all the convulsions of take their flight for ever to the other side the thirteenth century appear to have reof the Atlantic.-I hardly think it possi-vived. The dawn of liberty having openble, that such men as Mr. Coke and Mr.ed on that delightful country, its inhabiWestern should be the partizans of a tants cannot without difficulty return unmeasure having such a tendency. They der the yoke of slavery. We find the may doubt, whether it be practicable, court of Vienna in the most feverish without injury to the fund-holders, to re-alarm on the subject. Long accustomed duce the taxes so as to enable the farmer to sell wheat at 5s. a bushel. For my part, I have no doubt at all upon the subject; but, before I give myself the trouble of proving, and my readers the trouble of reading what I have to say upon the subject, let the advocates of a new and odious measure give us their arguments to prove, that the measure is indispensably necessary to the discharge of the just debts of the country and to the support of our government agreeably to

as the Austrian monarchy has been to look with anxiety to the entire possession of the Adriatic Gulf, from the possession of the ports of which, she might indulge a prospective hope of possessing "ships,

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colonies, and commerce," it cannot be, but with the utmost apprehension, that she finds the voice of public opinion decidedly against her views. Little doubt can be entertained by the most commonplace politician, that a great motive which influenced Austria to join the Allies, at

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the présent system, and his very name so
seldom occurs, except when he himself
introduces it, that there is every appear-
ance of his sinking fast, as I fervently.
hope he will, into his old denomination
of Bishop of Rome; when Pope, cou-
clave, and cardinals would
soon be
forgotten, was it not for the perse-
cutions which religion, from time
immemorial, has brought upon mankind,

outraged every feeling, which the
laws of policy and humanity ought to
have dictated. His friends and his foes
have fallen in one universal conscription,
Neither age nor sex is spared. The
reign of priesthood is revived, in all its
horrors. That bloody tribunal the In-
quisition, is proceeding with gigantic
strides. Horror and desolation mark its
progress, and universai destruction is the
only trace it leaves behind. In France,
little of tranquillity appears to have been
established. Louis XVIII, whom all par-
ties agree to be a mild, benificent, and
good man, appears to be too much under
the influence of the priests to be as popu-

the critical period when by Francis's in natural desertion of his son-in-law-a desertion so totally unlooked for, that it produced, as it could not fail to do, the most decisive consequences.-I say, the Emperar Francis must have been greatly stimulated to this act, by the jealousy with which he viewed the Iron Crown on the head of Napoleon; shutting out, as it did for ever, all his Italian prospects. The information from Italy is rather bar-In Spain, the beloved Ferdinand has ren; but no doubt can be entertained that Austria, finding Murat necessary to her views, has entered into a secret alliance with him to secure his throne, on condition that the upper part of Italy shall become Austrian. Insurmountable difficulties have been thrown in the way of this project. Among others, the sudden revival of the King of Sardinia, who, in the present rage for the resuscitation of legitimate monarchs, has, of course, asserted " his claim to his lawful possessions." But great part of the former kingdom of Sardinia had so often changed owners, that it was impossible almost to recollect its dispersed masters. "Austria has there fore been coutented to secure at presentar as he might be, if he would shake off what she could lay hold of, leaving to their odious yoke. The revolution in that tune and fortune the completion of her country, unexampled as it has been in ultimate views. The sacrifice of the free extent, both of moral and political influstate of Genca to the Sardinian throne ence, has so completely opened the eyes has been a part of this system. Ttus of all mankind, that the delusions of measure is said, in almost all our news-religion now excite little else than ridi¬ papers, to be tyrannical and oppressive; cule. If I am to believe, the Times to be in palpable contradiction to every newspaper which, to use an approprideclaration of the allied powers; and ate phrase on this subject, is always apoviolatory of every profession they made cryphal, a most serious convulsion was as to the liberating of Europe. True, or on the point of lately, breaking forth false, as these accusations may be, I have in Paris, in consequence of a fanatic Intle doubt the poor Genoese must submit monk, wishing, and endeavouring, to to "existing circumstances." I bave also revive one of those monstrous absurdities iny fears that Murat himself will ultimate- which disgraced the dark and barbarous ly fall. Alone as he stands among the periods of ignorance and superstition. legitimate momarchs, can it be supposed Nor was it prevented until the king bad that his existence will be endured, re-been twice sent to, and, from its increasing minding them of the great man by whom violence, the most alarming consequences they were set up, and put down at plea were to be apprehended: and ail: this sure? Constant reports and bints are because a wretched priest thought procirculated in all the continental papers, of per to deny the rights of sepulchre to a the advantageous exchanges offered to respectable woman, who had for sixty him for his present kingdom; and if, like years been an artist in a profession cerBeauharlois, he should not ghoose to go tainly more harmless, if not more rational, wifh a good grace, he has every reason than his own. From every thing which to dread the result. It may not happen | I can perceive in that country, her affairs immediately; but if the new organization are in a most unsettled state. Soult, of Europe remain, his eventual fate may who wishes to out Herod-Hicrod, has be considered as already sealed. As to exerted a flame in the matter of General ' the Popeyle is so luile thought of under ¦ Excelmaps, which will require more phnitt

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