the cart-lads of sweet-meats, which the tawdry wives and daughters of the citizens were, with both hands at once, cramming down their throats; and, who will lay me a guines, that, if Napoleon were to give peace and security to us, upon condition that

4.

1, 400 persons present; and that they had pon the table, two thousand five hundred ands weight of turtle, that being merely article of their food, another article Casisting of forty or fifty haunches of veniHow many hundreds of wretches have worked like galley slaves, upon bread and er, to supply this gluttonous repast! It a feast well calculated to inspire the senments, which were ustered in the form of tests, and, through which toasts, the fact been published to the world, that we to be taxel for carrying on a war in Sin, not for the sake of giving liberty and mpiness to the people of that wretched try, but for that of restoring the hatedespotisun that hid so long prevailed, the last act of which was, to introduce a reach army, and to give up the royal auority to Frenchmen - In any other light

as the vehicle of this declaration, the atonous, meeting would be unworthy of otice; for, of what consequence is it to naparte what we say, or think, about is attempts upon Spain? And, especially, what consequence is it to any one, what

London gormandizers say, or think Dot it? Napoleon would laugh at the ea of an attack from the turtle patriots, bo, like the animal from which they take er name, would be easily canght napping,

1, if once overthrown, would quietly lie ill he should find it convenient to destroy hem. If we could beat Napoleon with pasts and songs and tunes and doggerel and ith the hoisting of flags, we should have leven him long ago. The last time I saw the English flag hoisted in union with that of in, other nation, it was intwined with tha of France, and, in the Guildhall of this same city of London, they waved over thebeads of the Mayor, the Aldermen, and M: Oito! Upon that occasion Buonapane's health was, I think, the second toast, and, in point of satisfaction, given by it to the company, it hardly seemed to yield to

Spain, a very great majority of those who devoured the 2,500 pounds weight of turtle would not jump at the offer, and express great anxiety and uneasinesss for the sending away of those very Spanish deputies, who have now to support the calamity of their caresses? - The fourth toast was, we are told, King Ferdinand VII," which was, the reporter says, received with loud applause, and even with enthusiasm. To give this toast was, it is very probable, the principal object of the meeting. In the king's speech, at the close of the last session of parliament, there wasa talk about loyalty, but nothing was hinted as to whom it was the object of this country to set over Spain; in the king's answer to the address of the çity of London, he is more explicit, declaring that his sole object is to restore the ancient government of Spain; bat, still, there was room for doubt. This meeting seems to have been regarded as the best vehicle of conveying to the public, in the first instance, the fact, that we are to pay and to fight for the Bourbons. The king's ministers were présent; one of then was the orator for the Spanish Deputies; and, we may, therefore, safely conclude, that they approved of the toist. Indeed, it is well known, that, upon such occasions, the toasts and all the proceedings are generally laid down in writing, beforehand, and are submitted to the ministers, without whose consent not a sentiment is publicly uttered. - We may," therefore, I think, look upon it as a settled point, that the object of our government is to restore the House of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, and that, too, without any limitations whatever. This I think a very unjustifiable enterprize. So far from its doing good, supposing it to succeed, I ain convinced it will do harin to every nation in Europe, and particularly to this nation. We sball, moreover, if it be the object to place Ferdinand upon the throne, be engaged in supporting an usurpation; for, is it not

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war against England; for, no treaty has been made with him; no peace has been made with him, or with any person acting under his authority. It has been declared, that we are at peace with the Spanish nation; but, not a word has been said about peace with a king of Spain. Ferdinand is in I France, and the last act which we hear of, as his, was a declaration that he had made a voluntary surrender of his authority as king of Spain, and as heir to the Spanish throne. Bat, the turtle-patriots wanted a something b set up against Buonaparte, and it mattered, to them, very little indeed who, or what, it was. It was a dread of Buonaparte, and not a love of freedom, by which they were inspired. They will not, however, get the nation to adopt their sentiments. Hundreds and thousands would willingly venture even their lives in the cause of Spanish freedom; but the turtle-patriots will find nobody fool enough to hazard any thing for the sake of Ferdinand VII, whom there is no man, not a peculator in one way or another, that does not wish to keep where he is, as being the fittest place for him, who gave up the sword of Francis I. -The victory of CASTANOS and DE TILLY OVER DUPONT is of great importance, be the object of the war what it may; for, it will tend to lengthen the contest; and, if there be a long contest, let us hope, that tew men will arise, and, by degrees, extinguish the miserable tools of the despot. If the people have to bleed for what they win; if they suffer severely for the purpose of keeping out a foreign despot, let us hope, that they will not again yield their necks to adespot of native growth. This COUNT DE TILLY is, I believe, a Frenchman, a Circumstance, which, I suppose, the newspaper editors thought of too little interest to notice. In 1798, or 1799, he was amongst the emigrants in Philadelphia, where he was married, by a methodist preacher, to a daughter of the late Mr. Bingham, and which daughter, after having been divorced from the Count by an act of the legislature of the State, was, I have heard, married to

son of Sir Francis Baring. The Count, from precisely what consideration I know not, left Philadelphia, soon after the marriage, and it was said, that he went to Spain. If it be the same man, and I see 110 reason to suspect the contrary, he is now about forty years of age, a very gay and very clever man, and a man likely to be engaged in dashing enterprizes. If the Count and I were to meet again, we should hardly forbear expressing our admiration of the freaks of Madam Fortune, who chose to

DUKE OF YORK. - I have lately read, in several of the news-papers, a great deal about this " illustrious person," as they all have the grace and good-manners to call him; but, though I have been long enough. used to their language, I do not distinctly understand what they mean. It would seem, that there had been a design, on the part of somebody or other in the government, to send the Duke as commander in chief of our armies in Spain and Portugal; and, I supposed, of course, that this measure was to be adopted, because, at present, there was no danger of invasion, and, of course, no immediate need of any exertion of the skill and courage of the royal person in question. But, from an article in the Morning Chronicle, which has just reached me, I am inclined to think, that I have misconceived the meaning of these writers, who, though differing very widely upon almost every other subject, perfectly agree upon this. I have been not a little surprized at this uncommon coincidence in sentiment, and have made some very earnest efforts to get at a correct account of the cause of it. At first, I attributed it to the general dread of leaving this island without a Commander in Chief, at a moment so critical, when an unlucky accident to our fleet, co-operating with an easterly wind, might, in twenty four hours, have brought fifty thousand Frenchmen, with a General Brune (Lord preserve us!) at their head. But, 1 soon found, that this dread was not so prevalent as I had imagined; and, from the article I am about to quote, it would appear, that the objection to the departure of the royal commander had arisen from different motives. It seems, from this article, that some one has written, and caused to be printed, an address to the cabinet ministers, censuring them for listening to the public voice as to the talked of appointment of the royal soldier as commander in chief in Spain and Portugal.

We have," says the editor of the Morn. ing Chronicle, in his paper of the 9th instant, "seen a printed address to the cabinet "ministers (which, however, we believe is

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highness the Duke of York to the commant of the army destined for foreign service. The object of it is, to persuade "the present ministers of the crown that the judgment generally passed upon the merits " of his royal highness is most injurious"that it cannot be justified by a review of "his past services, but that it has been

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hastily formed upon the false representa"tions of newspapers and other periodical writers, who delight in nothing so much as in severity of remark; and, in fine, that ministers, instead of suffering them"selves to be guided by public opinion, ought to govern it, by acting in defiance of the popular sentiment. The writer, however, has been rather injudicious in the choice " of his arguments, when it is considered to whom they are addressed, for, without affecting at all to disguise the uniform "failure of the military enterprises of the "Duke of York, he endeavours to shew "that all his failures ought to be attributed not to any want of science in his royal highness, but to the administrations un"der which he acted. The siege of Dun"kirk, for example, he ascribes to the "silliness of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, "in suffering themselves to be deceived by

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here,

upon the merits of the royal commander be correct or not, I shall not attempt to decide; but, one thing! may, I think, venture to assert, without the risk of committing an error, and that is, that if, from whatever cause, the ministers, have, as this news-paper insinuates, refused to suffer the royal chieftain to go to Spain after application made by him for that purpose, they are, in justice to that royal person, bound to lay that cause before the public, seeing that the royal chieftain still has the command of all the numerous troops kept on foot for the purpose of defending this country against the very same sort of enemy, that he would have to encounter in Spain or Portugal. This writer talks of the " uniform failure" of the royal captain; but, without stopping to inquire into the fact, is it, if such fact be true, a good reason for not sending the royal commander abroad, and also a good reason for keeping him in the chief command at home, where the emoluments of the office are so very great? Would not "failure be as fatal to us as failure in Spain ? It can not be that this is the real cause; for, if it were possible that any set of ministers would, for such a reason, not suffer a commander to go abroad, and were still willing to suffer him to remain commander in chief at home, it is quite impossible that any man, I will not say any prince of the blood, but any thing having even the outward shape of manhood, should continue in such command. Why, the dogs in the street would bark, the cats would miaw, the very chickens would coccoc-coe, at the approach of a creature so loathsomely base. Dismiss from your mind, therefore, my honest reader, all the notions, which may have been imbibed through the insinuations of articles like that abovequoted; and believe, like a faithful and loyat subject, that there is some very suffici ent and honourable reason for the royal commander's remaining at home. I beg you to remark, too, that these insinuations are thrown out by men, who are but too apt to accuse others of a want of attachment to the person and race of the sovereign. I always said, that, when it came to the pinch, we should be found to stick most steadily to the royal family. Their flatterers now show a disposition to skulk; but, I trust, we shall be firm at their side, as long as there is a ferther and a drop of ink to be found. Botley, August 10, 1808.

SPANISH REVOLUTION.

Sir; It is a fact to be lamented, but which we collect from daily experience, that integrity of principles and virtuous demeano